By Raúl Diniz
Africa-Press – Angola. Many Angolans understand that UNITA’s vote in favor could have serious political implications, potentially fracturing the strategic alliance that currently exists between the people and UNITA.
Only UNITA itself can clarify, with absolute truth, the motivations that led it to vote in favor, along with the MPLA, for the election of Dr. Adão de Almeida to the public office of President of the National Assembly.
It is whispered, in the cunning world of ordinary politics, that UNITA voted in favor of Adão de Almeida’s election with the clear intention of trying to prevent the world of social politics from realizing that the UNITA parliamentary group was not—and continues not to be—in solidarity with the then-President Carolina Cerqueira.To further worsen the already chaotic and scandalous atmosphere of domestic politics, UNITA failed to tell the truth by not clarifying the true motivations behind this unexpected and reckless support for João Lourenço’s candidate in the National Assembly.
This only proves that this vote is auspicious and demonstrates a strange alignment between the parties that fuel the spectrum of the governing coalition.
This type of action by UNITA scares away the average citizen who would like to continue betting on UNITA for 2027.
This UNITA, which will certainly emerge more united and strengthened from its ordinary congress, must understand that Angolans are not some unqualified pensioner allocated to Jonas Savimbi’s party.If UNITA deduces that Angolans are unthinking beings, accepting all kinds of delusional political schizophrenia, they should quickly disabuse themselves of this notion, because Angolans know very well what they want.
On the other hand, it’s good that they realize that today the menu offered for political framing is vast and, despite the absence of any quality of political or ideological ideas and principles within this vastness, it still serves to feed the egos of citizens left adrift, lost in the agonizing, dark ocean of despair.
Even so, their souls will be temporarily comforted with stolen money to materially feed these satellite parties of the unparalleled party-state.
It is unbelievable—and extremely difficult to believe—that UNITA, in its 50 years as a political country, has not learned to distinguish the difference between adversaries and enemies in the political game.
Another drawback is not yet understanding what the average person has understood for a long time.
Now, it’s easily understandable that the MPLA didn’t suddenly send Dr. Adão de Almeida to “control” the National Assembly, as it was already completely controlled under the presidency of Dr. Carolina Cerqueira.
It’s more than clear that Dr. Adão de Almeida didn’t parachute into the nerve center of the House of Laws to make it more efficient and administratively and financially independent.
It’s clear that the current President of the National Assembly has a murky agenda.
Let it be clear: President João Lourenço doesn’t just want to keep the MPLA under siege; he wants—and will—keep the State captured and thus remain in the presidency at all costs.
All the movements of the President of the dictatorship speak for themselves and lead us to interpret his steps, following the maneuvers he has been making inflicting on the country and Angolans in particular.
Besides serving as a distraction, these maneuvers also speak volumes about their true intentions.
For example, just look at the recent appointment of the deputy director of SINSE. It’s known that she doesn’t have the right profile to be Fernando Garcia Miala’s immediate subordinate.
She was placed there by the incoming director-general of SINSE—I’m referring to the newly chosen director, who will soon be in the spotlight.
It’s important to follow these upcoming maneuvers to clearly understand the imprecise plays of realpolitik.
The signs are already there, clearly visible to anyone who wants to see with discerning eyes.
The judicial system has already been completely hijacked.
The Attorney General’s Office, the Supreme Court, and the Constitutional Court are already controlled by their presidents, who, incidentally, are senior members of the MPLA.
The Ministry of the Interior is headed by someone with the utmost confidence of the President and a member of the Political Bureau; the Ministry of Defense is headed by Liberdade, another member of the Political Bureau.Fernando Miala is expected to be eventually assigned to the Ministry of Defense soon.
A possible reassignment is also expected, that is, the return of a recently departed general who will reappear to replace another general who will leave—in this case, General Francisco Furtado.
Only UNITA failed to observe this, did not protect itself, and voted in favor of Adão de Almeida—the one who was sent to dismantle UNITA—and has already begun to fulfill his destructive role.
He will lead the overthrow of UNITA with an iron fist; he was sent to buy votes from deputies and thus guarantee the dictator’s third term.
The persecutions have already begun.
Four deputies were suddenly notified and framed in unacceptable proceedings.
This is the price one pays when one is a clearly strong party, but one that sends palpable messages of weakness.
Gentlemen, UNITA is strong and wise; however, it lacks the vision and knowledge to redefine its greatness.
It is important to cooperate competently with society, especially with that which shapes public opinion.
But that is another matter that will certainly be addressed at another immediate opportunity.
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