Africa-Press. <\/strong> <\/span>The region can no longer afford to seek refuge in ambiguous language. What is happening is not a series of isolated crises, nor merely an additional round in a long-standing conflict, but a revealing moment that exposes the deep structure of the Zionist-American project in the region: an open war on Palestine, repeated aggression against Lebanon, violations of Syria, Yemen, and Iraq, and an attempt to break Iran\u2014not only because it has committed the sin of possessing power, but because it stands, with its accumulated capabilities and options, against a project that wants the region to remain devoid of deterrence, besieged by fear, and open to settlement expansion, military hegemony, and political blackmail.<\/p>\nIn this moment, Iran does not appear to be the source of danger, as the Western and Zionist propaganda machine would like to promote, but rather a bulwark against a more dangerous and broader project: a project that sees every strong state as a threat, every resistance as a crime, and every attempt at independence as a rebellion that must be crushed. Thus, the issue is not merely a nuclear file, nor a traditional struggle for influence; it is a battle over who has the right to define security in this region: its peoples and states, or Washington and Tel Aviv?<\/p>\n
The Significance of the Egyptian President’s Visit<\/b><\/p>\n
The visit of Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi and Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed to inspect a squadron of Egyptian fighters stationed in the Emirates carries a significance that transcends the immediate military news. The event, surrounded by questions and ambiguity, should not be reduced to a debate on social media: Did Egypt go to war? Did it take a stance against Iran? Was the announcement a message to the Gulf, Tehran, or Washington? These are legitimate questions, but they remain less than the larger question: Is the region beginning to realize that the American umbrella no longer protects anyone but the Zionist entity, and that invoking this entity into the security equations of the Gulf is not salvation, but a new gateway to ruin?<\/p>\n
The Egyptian Squadron: Beyond the Military News<\/b><\/p>\n
Egypt is not a marginal state to be read through the lens of speculation or reaction. Regardless of the undisclosed details, the presence of an Egyptian squadron in the Emirates, and the announcement of it at this time, carries a complex message: reassurance to the Gulf on one hand, and a confirmation of Egypt’s presence at a highly sensitive regional moment on the other. However, it would be a grave mistake to interpret this as alignment within a Zionist-American war against Iran, or as a shift in Egypt’s historical doctrine of refusing to engage in wars it does not control.<\/p>\n
Egypt, by virtue of its history and location, is not stronger when it is drawn into the trenches of others, but when it maintains a delicate balance between supporting Gulf security and preventing it from becoming a platform for an American-Zionist war. Gulf security is indeed part of Egyptian national security; however, it cannot be achieved by incorporating the Zionist entity into the heart of the equation. Egypt’s security is inseparable from the security of its brothers; however, it is only complete when it remains clear that the central danger to the region is not in Tehran, but in the expansionist Zionist project that feeds on the fragmentation of geography, the dismantling of states, and the transformation of regional contradictions into bridges for its passage.<\/p>\n
The Zionist Project: The Primary Danger<\/b><\/p>\n
The most dangerous achievement of Zionist propaganda in recent years has been its attempt to shift the center of fear within Arab consciousness from the occupying entity to Iran.<\/p>\n
Sectarian and political contradictions have been exaggerated, and regional errors and tensions have been exploited to create a narrative that makes Tehran the existential threat, while the entity that occupies the land, kills Palestinians, bombards capitals, threatens corridors, and practices settlement as a state doctrine, becomes a potential “security partner.”<\/p>\n
This is not a political paradox; it is a crime of consciousness.<\/p>\n
The Zionist entity has never been a normal state seeking secure borders; rather, it is an expansionist settlement project based on surplus power, aimed at preventing the establishment of any independent regional bloc, and transforming the neighborhood into weak, exhausted, fearful, and penetrable entities. When it strikes Iran, or threatens to strike it, it does so not in defense of the Gulf or Arabs, but in defense of its monopoly on deterrence, and its exclusive right to bombard, assassinate, expand, and impose realities.<\/p>\n
Thus, Iran’s resilience in the face of Zionist-American aggression becomes a regional issue, not just an Iranian one. It puts a limit on the arrogance of power, and asserts that hegemony is not fate, and that the American-Zionist fire is not a predetermined judgment, and that a besieged state for decades can, whenever it possesses the will and capability, transform siege into self-building, threats into deterrence, and aggression into a test of internal unity and decision-making strength.<\/p>\n
This does not mean ignoring Arab-Iranian differences, nor jumping over the concerns of some Gulf capitals, nor granting Tehran an absolute certificate of innocence in all regional files. However, it means arranging priorities with strategic awareness, not with propagandistic reaction. The conflict with Iran can be managed through dialogue, balance, and mutual guarantees. As for the Zionist project, it does not seek to manage a conflict, but rather to eliminate all independent capacity in the region, whether Arab, Iranian, Turkish, or Islamic.<\/p>\n
The Trap of Imported Security<\/b><\/p>\n
For decades, a great lie has been sold to the region: security comes from abroad. American bases protect, fleets deter, arms deals reassure, and alliances with Washington prevent danger. But experience has shown the opposite. Under this “protection,” Iraq burned, Syria disintegrated, chaos expanded, Gaza was violated, Lebanon was bombed, and sovereignty in more than one Arab capital became a negotiable detail.<\/p>\n
American security in our region was not security for the region. It was security for the Zionist entity, a guarantee for the flow of energy, a guard for a wide array of interests, and a permanent management of fear. Whenever the concerns of regional states increased, the American response was ready: more bases, more weapons, more normalization, more incorporation of the Zionist entity into the security structure, and more transformation of fear into a market.<\/p>\n
This is the trap: turning the legitimate need for security into a gateway for invoking those who threaten security in the first place. The Zionist entity, which is proposed as a partner in air defense or maritime security or military technology, is not a neutral party, but the spearhead of the hegemony project. When it enters the Gulf under the guise of security, it does not protect the Gulf, but ties it to the theater of its conflict, making it part of the maps of deterrence, retaliation, and blackmail.<\/p>\n
An Inclusive Regional Security System<\/b><\/p>\n
The alternative is not a vacuum. It is not building a sectarian or military axis against Iran. It is not replacing the American umbrella with another form of guardianship. The real alternative is a regional security system that begins with a simple and decisive acknowledgment: the countries of the region, not Washington or Tel Aviv, have the primary interest in preventing war, protecting corridors, ensuring development, stabilizing borders, and stopping the expansion of the Zionist project.<\/p>\n
Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan can form the first nucleus of this thinking, not as an alliance against Iran, but as major powers that cannot be overlooked in any serious security equation. Egypt, with its Arab and historical weight and its location at the gateway to the Red and Mediterranean Seas; Saudi Arabia, with its Gulf, Islamic, and economic weight; Turkey, with its geopolitical and military presence; and Pakistan, with its strategic depth and deterrent power, can all open a different door, provided that this door is not directed at Tehran, but open to it when the war stops and conditions for dialogue are prepared.<\/p>\n
Iran is not a foreign body in the region. It is part of its geography, history, and equations. Attempting to build regional security without it, or against it, will reproduce the same crisis that Washington and Tel Aviv have fueled: dividing the region into fearful camps, and then selling protection to each camp separately. The true regional system is one that tells Iran that Gulf security is not a pressure space, and tells the Gulf that its security cannot be built by invoking the Zionist entity, and tells Egypt, Turkey, and Pakistan that their great roles are only complete when they transform from individual influence to collective reasoning.<\/p>\n
This is not political romanticism, but a reality that has been delayed for too long. Geography is stronger than propaganda, and deep interests are stronger than transient alignments, and no state in this region can survive alone from a fire if it ignites in the heart of the region. The Strait of Hormuz, Bab el-Mandeb, the Red Sea, the Gulf, the Suez Canal, the Eastern Mediterranean; all are links in a single chain. Those who delude themselves into thinking they can protect one link by burning another do not understand the meaning of security, but postpone the explosion.<\/p>\n
The Logic of Resistance Over the Logic of Alliances<\/b><\/p>\n
The most important feature in the moment of aggression against Iran is that it has restored the importance of the logic of resistance, not merely as a sentimental slogan, but as a strategic necessity. Resistance here is not limited to guns and fronts, but to the ability of states and societies to refuse to submit to the dictates of power, to build an economy capable of endurance, to possess weapons capable of deterrence, to have a policy capable of maneuvering, and to cultivate a popular awareness that does not swallow the Zionist narrative as it is crafted in propaganda rooms.<\/p>\n
In this sense, Iran has provided a lesson that cannot be ignored. The long siege did not break it, but pushed it to build self-capabilities. The pressures did not erase its presence, but made it more steadfast in its tools of power. The aggression did not turn it into a submissive state, but revealed that there are limits to what American-Zionist power can impose when facing an adversary that does not collapse from the first blow.<\/p>\n
This lesson is of utmost importance to Arabs before anyone else. A nation that possesses resources, corridors, a human mass, and a civilizational memory should not remain a prisoner of the question: What will Washington do? Nor should it arrange its policies according to the calculations of Zionist satisfaction. It is time to emerge from the cloak of fear; not through recklessness, but by building real balances. There is a significant difference between adventure and independence. Adventure is entering a war you do not control, while independence is preventing others from deciding your war and peace.<\/p>\n
A Moment of Choice<\/b><\/p>\n
Today, the region faces a harsh moment of choice. Either the continuation of the old formula: American bases, security normalization with the Zionist entity, constant fear of Iran, Gulf anxiety, Arab hesitation, proxy wars, and diplomatic statements attempting to beautify impotence. Or the beginning of another path: courageous regional dialogue, a security system that does not exclude anyone, a clear rejection of introducing the Zionist project into the heart of Arab and Islamic security, and a confirmation that aggression against any state in the region is not a path to stability, but a recipe for expanding the fire.<\/p>\n
The inspection of the Egyptian squadron in the Emirates can be read, at its minimum, as a sign of a project concerned about the widening fire, and a desire from Egypt not to leave Gulf security at the mercy of a vacuum. However, at its deeper level, it can be an occasion to raise the question that has been delayed for too long: Why does the region not build its own security? Why is Gulf security still contingent on American decisions? Why is Egypt pushed to reassure its brothers under a formula drawn by others? And why do Iran and the Gulf remain on opposite sides of a constant ignition, while the biggest beneficiary of this ignition is the Zionist entity?<\/p>\n
There are no easy answers, but what is certain is that the continuation of the old formula is no longer possible. The American umbrella no longer conceals its holes, the Zionist entity can no longer wear the mask of a security partner, and Iran has proven, through its resilience, that breaking the will is not a military picnic. Meanwhile, the peoples of the region, who have long borne the costs of wars and dependency, instinctively know what many elites and regimes are slow to acknowledge: that security that comes with fleets does not protect homelands, but guards the maps of hegemony.<\/p>\n
It is time for this region to stop waiting for someone to protect it from those who threaten it. It is time for it to realize that the greatest danger is not in the strength of this party or that, but in the continued inability to build a shared will. Regional security is not a slogan for the next summit, nor a point in a ministerial statement; it is a condition for survival. Those who do not build their security with their own hands will find someone building their prison in the name of protection.<\/p>\n
Find more news and analyses on Africa<\/span> on the Africa Press<\/span> website<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"Elhamy El-Meleigy, Egyptian Journalist Africa-Press. The region can no longer afford to seek refuge in ambiguous language. What is happening is not a series of isolated crises, nor merely an additional round in a long-standing conflict, but a revealing moment that exposes the deep structure of the Zionist-American project in the region: an open war […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":84,"featured_media":5924,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[84],"tags":[120],"class_list":{"0":"post-5926","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-articles","8":"tag-africa"},"yoast_head":"\n
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