Exclusion by Tradition in Sidama’s Progress

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Exclusion by Tradition in Sidama's Progress
Exclusion by Tradition in Sidama's Progress

By addisstandard

Africa-Press – Ethiopia. August 30, 2025 4 minutes read Addis Abeba – The Sidama people have traversed a long and arduous path in their pursuit of self-determination—a goal finally realized in 2019 when they became Ethiopia’s tenth regional state. This milestone was a turning point in their collective history. Yet, despite this achievement, the region’s political dynamics continue to be shaped by a deeply entrenched, centuries-old system, as I previously discussed in my article “Purity and Power: Sidama politics still shackled by old ideologies.”

The continued dominance of these old ideologies across Sidama’s politics has had far-reaching implications for the region’s development. When politics is consumed by rivalry rather than a shared vision for progress, equitable and comprehensive development becomes elusive. Dara, a district within Sidama and the homeland of the Hadicho community, stands as a stark illustration of historical marginalization that has manifested in sustained developmental neglect.

One of the clearest manifestations of exclusion can be observed in major road construction projects initiated prior to the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) era. Two key transportation corridors—the Hawassa-Negele and Hawassa-Moyale highways—were rerouted in ways that completely bypassed towns in Dara. Historically, the Hawassa-Moyale route followed a path through Hawassa–Aleta Wondo–Teferi Kela–Kebado–Dilla–Moyale. However, a shortcut was introduced under unclear circumstances, effectively removing Aleta Wondo, Teferi Kela, and Kebado from the main highway. Although Aleta Wondo was later reconnected via the Hawassa-Negele route, the two principal towns of Dara Hadicho—among the oldest settlements along the historic Addis Ababa-Moyale corridor—were excluded from these infrastructure upgrades. As a result, they remain disconnected from modern transport networks and have fallen significantly behind in urban development.

In contrast, towns associated with the Aleta community, particularly Aleta Chuko, were prioritized in national infrastructure planning. In my opinion, the advancement of Aleta Wondo and Aleta Chuko came at the direct expense of communities in Dara. While Aleta Wondo gained access through the Hawassa-Negele highway and Aleta Chuko through the Hawassa-Moyale route, Teferi Kela and Kebado still lack access to major highways, deepening their economic marginalization and limiting opportunities for growth.

The exclusion of the Dara district has had severe and enduring consequences for the Hadicho community, whose livelihoods depend heavily on agriculture. Local coffee farmers face persistent challenges due to limited market access, agricultural trade is hampered by poor transportation links, and broader business development in these historically important towns remains stifled. These disparities are not merely the result of historical legacies but are perpetuated by ongoing neglect on the part of the Sidama regional government. Infrastructure policies appear to reflect patterns of group favoritism rather than a commitment to equitable development or rational economic planning.

Historically, the Dara (Hadicho) area on the Dilla side comprised 22 rural kebeles and fell under the Dilla City Administration. However, without holding a referendum or consulting the Dara population, the regional authorities transferred Dilla and seven surrounding rural kebeles to the Gedeo Zone. This administrative decision effectively severed a substantial segment of the Dara (Hadicho) community, depriving them of the economic advantages long derived from Dilla’s urban infrastructure and commercial networks.

The exclusion of the Dara district has had severe and enduring consequences for the Hadicho community, whose livelihoods depend heavily on agriculture.”

The agricultural sector provides yet another example of policy failure. Although Dara district is widely recognized for its high-quality coffee production and substantial output, a major agricultural development and research initiative—launched in Setamo (Dara district) in the 1990s—was redirected to Yirgalem by the former Sidama Zone administration. Funded through both Ethiopian and international aid, the project was originally intended to strengthen coffee production capacity in Dara but was ultimately allocated to beneficiaries in the Yirgalem area. This reallocation underscores how group favoritism continues to obstruct equitable economic development. While the project was implemented successfully in Yirgalem and its surrounding areas, Dara forfeited a critical opportunity for agricultural progress. The decision-making process lacked transparency, and the inequitable distribution of resources weakened the district’s ability to compete effectively in regional markets.

Beyond statehood

Furthermore, current patterns of regional governance continue to enable systematic exclusion. Individuals from the Hadicho community are rarely appointed to government positions within the Sidama region, even when they possess the requisite skills, experience, and educational qualifications. In contrast, officials from non-Hadicho communities are routinely assigned to key roles in Dara, particularly in departments overseeing finance and development.

These critical positions are consistently filled by outsiders, with appointments made by the regional Sidama government appearing to prioritize group affiliation over professional merit. As a result, many of these appointees are perceived as serving narrow political or personal interests rather than advancing the developmental needs of the local community. Meanwhile, qualified professionals from the Hadicho community face entrenched barriers to upward mobility, despite their proven capacity to contribute meaningfully to public service.

Cultural marginalization also remains evident in the treatment of ceremonial and traditional practices within the Sidama region. For example, in Hadicho tradition, the community’s traditional leader is known as Gello, whereas in other Sidama areas the title Mote is used. During major regional or zonal events—such as celebrations of the Sidama New Year—elders in leadership roles are traditionally invited to offer blessings as part of official proceedings. However, as I observed on multiple occasions, Gello leaders from Hadicho are consistently excluded from these ceremonial roles.

Another deeply rooted issue concerns the restrictions on marriages outside one’s own community. Members of the Hadicho community, particularly those residing outside the Dara district, often face social stigma and other barriers when marrying individuals from other Sidama communities.

These concrete examples illustrate how internal rivalry continues to obstruct the creation of economic policies capable of unlocking Sidama’s full collective potential. When the distribution of resources is guided by group affiliation rather than economic rationale, it compromises both the efficiency and fairness of development planning—across infrastructure, agriculture, and public appointments alike. Such practices erode public trust and perpetuate systemic imbalances.

Moving forward, the allocation of development resources must be grounded in actual need and anticipated impact, not lineage or group affiliation. Establishing transparent mechanisms for public oversight will be essential to ensure that development benefits are distributed fairly and equitably, in a manner that serves the entire population rather than narrow interest groups. AS

Source: Addis Standard

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