{"id":21936,"date":"2022-07-11T09:10:52","date_gmt":"2022-07-11T09:10:52","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.africa-press.net\/rwanda\/all-news\/why-congolese-army-fdlr-alliance-is-an-evil-enterprise"},"modified":"2022-07-11T09:22:16","modified_gmt":"2022-07-11T09:22:16","slug":"why-congolese-army-fdlr-alliance-is-an-evil-enterprise","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.africa-press.net\/rwanda\/policy\/why-congolese-army-fdlr-alliance-is-an-evil-enterprise","title":{"rendered":"Why Congolese army-FDLR alliance is an evil enterprise"},"content":{"rendered":"

Africa-Press – Rwanda. <\/strong><\/span>One foggy Friday morning, on February 20, 2009, I sat on an old wooden bench, in deep thought reflecting on our difficult and tiring eight-hour trek through unforgiving thick jungle the day before.<\/p>\n

Luckily, we had reached our destination, a hidden Rwandan military outpost uphill in a humid region covered by steep hills on the boundary of Masisi and Walikale territories, moments before the skies released a pounding downpour.<\/p>\n

But I was worried; having just seen the helicopter sent to take us back home turn and fly away without its passengers. To create a smoke signal, soldiers had built fires in a clearing at the top of the hill, and added grass and green branches to smother the flames and create a spiraling dense, white smoke so that the signal could be seen from miles away.<\/p>\n

A commander on ground talked to the pilot on his walkie-talkie as the chopper hopefully circled overhead, searching. Even though we could catch glimpses of it through dense fog, the pilot just couldn\u2019t locate us. After a while, the commander reasoned that it was too risky for the chopper to linger around much longer.<\/p>\n

The pilot was granted permission to fly back to Goma, the provincial capital of North Kivu in eastern DR Congo., and try again later, when the sky is clearer. I knew that in that part of the world things didn\u2019t always go as planned.<\/p>\n

The troops then had orders to start their more than 200-kilometre march southwards, and homewards, on foot. Having already experienced a bit of what they endure, I didn\u2019t envy them. My muscles still ached from the previous day\u2019s overexertion.<\/p>\n

The chopper had just abandoned us and, clearly, the fog was not about to disappear. Will I break down after trekking 50 kilometers? What if it rains heavily? Are we going to walk day and night? Such were some of the disturbing questions on my mind when, suddenly, a man with a goat amidst a group of soldiers a few metres away distracted me. I was about to learn that \u2018my worries\u2019 were nothing, compared to the danger his community faced.<\/p>\n

It was barely a week towards the end of operation Umoja Wetu, the short-lived joint military offensive launched by Rwanda and DR Congo against the FDLR militia, some 13 years ago.<\/p>\n

The genesis<\/b><\/p>\n

When the Rwanda Patriotic Army (RPA) took charge in Kigali and stopped the Genocide against the Tutsi, in July 1994, the ousted genocidal regime\u2019s army (ex-FAR), politicians as well as Interahamwe militia who orchestrated the Genocide \u2013 runaway, en masse, to eastern DR Congo, then known as Zaire.<\/p>\n

The ex-FAR and the Interahamwe fled with their weapons. Worse still, they arrived in Za\u00efre with the same ideology of exterminating the Tutsi.<\/p>\n

Before fleeing, they had massacred more than one million people, in three months. In Zaire, they were welcomed with open arms and they never stopped spewing genocidal venom. They were given a safe sanctuary from which to plan their return to Rwanda and \u2018finish the job\u2019.<\/p>\n

Conscious that their involvement in the genocide was damaging their image and relationship with the international community, the genocidairesmutated several times, adopting new names.<\/p>\n

The FDLR was founded in September 2000. It is blacklisted as a terrorist group because of the horrendous crimes it committed on Congolese territory. Like others before, its recruits are indoctrinated in genocide ideology. Those who want to abandon \u2018the cause\u2019 and return to Rwanda are held hostage by hardliners.<\/p>\n

Their presence in South Kivu and North Kivu Provinces is the raison d\u2019\u00eatre for some Congolese rebel groups, including the M23 group \u2013 story for another day \u2013 which is fighting to protect Tutsi communities from the genocidaires\u2019 atrocities. Kinshasa refuses to listen to their plight; making things even worse for them.<\/p>\n

But it\u2019s not only the Congolese Tutsi population that is taking the brunt of the militia\u2019s crimes.<\/p>\n

They will kill us all<\/b><\/p>\n

In Matembe hills, Ramadhan Shenyongo, a village elder, had got \u201cbad news\u201d that Rwandan troops were readying to return home. For him, they were \u201cabandoning\u201d his people to face the wrath of Rwandan genocidaires.<\/p>\n

Shenyongo was a man on a mission that eerily morning. The goat was a gift and he had come to the camp in what appeared to be his village\u2019s last-ditch effort at earnestly begging the Rwandans not to leave. Having earlier welcomed and lived with the Rwandan troops, the villagers feared the militia would, on return, spare no one in their reprisal killings.<\/p>\n

Rwandan soldiers dealt the militia a heavy blow and captured many civilian dependents who were sent back to Rwanda. But the Hunde, Nyanga and Congolese Hutu inhabitants of the area were convinced that the defeated genocidal militia fighters who retreated deep into the expanse of jungle would return, sooner or later, with a vengeance.<\/p>\n

\u201cThey are waiting for you to leave and then they come back to harass us,\u201d Shenyongo told the soldiers.<\/p>\n

\u201cThey will come back, and surely, they will kill us all, if you leave… we suffer so much in this country,\u201d he said, adding: \u201cSome [FDLR] have run away but we are very worried about what will happen to us once these soldiers leave, please save us from this misery.\u201d<\/p>\n

A Major laboured to allay the village emisary\u2019s fears. The Rwanda Defence Force had done its job, the officer told the man, and the Congolese army would take over and fully secure the area.<\/p>\n

\u201cYour village is safe now,\u201d the old man was told. \u201cDo not worry.\u201d<\/p>\n

About an hour later, the man and his team said their goodbyes. I could not tell if they were reassured, but they left anyway.<\/p>\n

A Lieutenant, who stood by, quietly taking in everything, told me that the best way to protect the village and others in North Kivu was to stay a little longer and force the militia to totally surrender. The [military] pressure had to be sustained instead of giving them room to breathe. He suggested that two months \u2013 the period the operation lasted \u2013 were not enough. But the call was \u201cnot ours to make.\u201d<\/p>\n

There was so much noise in the international community, and in Kinshasa, clamouring for Rwandan soldiers to leave eastern DR Congo, allegedly because the joint operation was creating a humanitarian catastrophe.<\/p>\n

Once the Rwandans left, the Congolese army and the UN peacekeeping mission pretended to do something. They first launched their own joint military operation, Operation Kimia II, to fight the genocidal militia. But they never really prevented the militia\u2019s deliberate reprisals against the population. The genocidaires continued to prey on the civilian population; pillaging, murdering and raping \u2013 a hallmark of the FDLR, with impunity.<\/p>\n

Reprisal killings<\/b><\/p>\n

The militia\u2019s attack in Luofu and Kasiki villages in Lubero territory, North Kivu Province, on April 17, 2009, spoke volumes. They attacked the two villages, at night, killing at least seven civilians, including five children who burned to death in their homes. Scores of other civilians were injured.<\/p>\n

And nearly 300 houses were burned to the ground while Congolese soldiers in both villages fled. A day after the killers left, the UN peacekeeping mission, then MONUC, dispatched a patrol. Too late. On very many occasions, this is how the UN force keeps the peace in eastern DR Congo.<\/p>\n

Looking back at events in Matembe hills, two months earlier, I got a broader sense of perspective. I commiserated with the people in Shenyongo\u2019s village as I then made better sense of their situation.<\/p>\n

Being associated with genocide is no light matter. The FDLR are not just another negative militia, or rebel group, on Congolese soil. Their extermination agenda and genocide ideology sets them apart. As such, the group should be an enemy of the entire international community. Genocide, for those who don\u2019t understand it, is a crime against humanity, and as such, a crime against the world.<\/p>\n

There will be people, \u2018green\u2019 or not, arguing that most FDLR members are young or \u2018innocent\u2019 people who did not commit genocide in Rwanda. But Genocide ideology has no age. The main concern here is what FDLR – and whatever other name they metamorphose into in a bid to shade off their genocidal past – stand for.<\/p>\n

They stand for a poisonous ideology that has caused so much animosity and sowed so much hate. Every alliance with them is an alliance of evil because they are a force bent on extermination.<\/p>\n

They are not a militia that any well-intentioned peace-loving citizen of this world should call on to dialogue with Kigali, or any government.<\/p>\n

However, with the international community looking the other way, the militia continues to create alliances with other subversive groups against Rwanda. They have used media propaganda aimed at garnering international support, spreading genocide denial and demonising the Rwandan government.<\/p>\n

Congolese military officials and politicians, as well as the militia group, will deny their collaboration in public. But Kinshasa has supported the ex-Far\/Interahamwe, and later FDLR, overtly and covertly, for the past two decades. UN experts on several occasions reported that the militia continued to benefit from support from senior Congolese officers. Cases of army commanders giving, or selling, weapons and information to the very armed militia they were supposed to be targeting are common knowledge.<\/p>\n

The Congolese army has occasionally waged military offensives against the genocidal militia but these could never fully succeed since, other factors constant, some officers were at the same time transferring weapons and information to FDLR units. Then there are the pro-genocidaire politicians working tirelessly to ensure that their prot\u00e9g\u00e9s are never defeated.<\/p>\n

Besides the financing it gets through donations from faith-based charities in Western capitals, the militia has a large stake in the illegal mining business and illegal drug trade in, among others, industrial hemp, or marijuana, as a main source of profit. For long, the group\u2019s fighters and Congolese soldiers jointly controlled the marijuana trade in Lubero, Walikale and Rutshuru areas.<\/p>\n

Things will worsen if Congolese authorities, and the international community, continue to bury their heads in the sand. In the past two months, there was unease especially driven by appalling images, on social media, of machete-happy people pursuing Rwandans and Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese in North and South Kivu Provinces. The same way they used the radio to disseminate genocide propaganda during the 1994 genocide, the genocidaires used mainstream media as well as social media to incite the Congolese public and call for the stigmatization and torture of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese, calling on them to return to Rwanda. If not stopped, the alliance and collaboration between the Congolese army and the FDLR will spell doom.<\/p>\n

A two-pronged approach that never happened<\/b><\/p>\n

Six days after I left the hills in Masisi, in 2009, I met Modeste Kabori, a Mwami, or traditional chief, of Bukoma, a locality in Rutchuru region, who explained how, after the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi the fleeing genocidal machinery took control over his native land and taught his erstwhile nonviolent people to kill fellow human beings, without a shed of remorse, guilt, or shame.<\/p>\n

They wrecked his province\u2019s customary social fabric, he said, to the extent that Congolese now found it easy to kill.<\/p>\n

\u201cThey have been here for 15 years and it is true they have dominated and entrenched themselves within the population. Many have even intermarried,\u201d Kabori then said.<\/p>\n

He explained that a sustained two-pronged approach \u2013 sensibilisation of the population and military operations \u2013 should be maintained so as to totally get rid of the FDLR. That never happened.<\/p>\n

Not surprisingly, when the Rwandan army left in February 2009, Kabori and others in his community quickly turned into anti-Tutsi radicals. Their survival instinct kicked in.<\/p>\n

Without help from Kinshasa, these communities know that they are at the mercy of genocidaires and they embrace the genocide ideology.<\/p>\n

The FARDC-FDLR alliance is not only a violation of international law but an alliance of evil. The biggest threat posed by the FDLR, and its splinter groups, is not a military threat. It is their genocide ideology.<\/p>\n

For More News And Analysis About Rwanda<\/a> Follow Africa-Press<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Africa-Press – Rwanda. One foggy Friday morning, on February 20, 2009, I sat on an old wooden bench, in deep thought reflecting on our difficult and tiring eight-hour trek through unforgiving thick jungle the day before. 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