{"id":28682,"date":"2022-04-06T18:42:48","date_gmt":"2022-04-06T18:42:48","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.africa-press.net\/south-africa\/all-news\/analysis-using-lies-and-disinformation-putin-has-been-pushing-for-a-ukraine-invasion-for-14-years"},"modified":"2022-04-06T19:42:39","modified_gmt":"2022-04-06T19:42:39","slug":"analysis-using-lies-and-disinformation-putin-has-been-pushing-for-a-ukraine-invasion-for-14-years","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.africa-press.net\/south-africa\/all-news\/analysis-using-lies-and-disinformation-putin-has-been-pushing-for-a-ukraine-invasion-for-14-years","title":{"rendered":"ANALYSIS | Using lies and disinformation, Putin has been pushing for a Ukraine invasion for 14 years"},"content":{"rendered":"

Africa-Press – South-Africa. <\/strong><\/span>Russian President Vladimir Putin\u2019s rationale for invading Ukraine was clear from as far back as 2008, more than a decade before the current invasion, writes Juris Pupcenok and Graig Klein.<\/b><\/p>\n

As the invasion of Ukraine began in late February 2022, President Vladimir Putin offered several justifications for why Russia had no other option.<\/p>\n

First: Russia needed to fight the rise of fascism and neo-Nazism by demilitarising Ukraine. According to Putin, Ukrainian leaders, including the country\u2019s democratically elected Jewish president, Volodymyr Zelensky, were a bunch of neo-Nazis and drug addicts holding Ukraine hostage. Second: Russian intervention would prevent the alleged genocide of Russian speakers in eastern Ukraine. Third: Russian intervention would ensure that Ukraine does not join NATO, a military alliance that Russia views as an existential threat. While those statements may seem strange and outlandish, Putin has been laying the rhetorical groundwork for an invasion of Ukraine along these lines for years. Russian rhetoric \u2013 the language Russian officials use \u2013 toward Ukraine has changed over the past two decades from establishing a strategic partnership with Ukraine to delegitimizing Ukraine\u2019s government. This was done by making unsubstantiated accusations of atrocities, false accusations of the rebirth of fascism, and blaming the West and neo-Nazis for escalating violence in Ukraine. With hindsight, Russia\u2019s statements should have triggered warning bells.<\/p>\n

Russian President Vladimir Putin has spent 14 years building a case to invade Ukraine.<\/p>\n

AP Photo\/Alexander Zemlianichenko<\/p>\n

From cooperation to badmouthingAs researchers specialising in international relations, diplomatic communication and conflict, we investigated how Putin, key Russian diplomats and the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs built these strategic stories. Our research using several types of documents and information, including press releases and statements by Russian officials, outlines a Russian effort that started over 14 years ago. We traced Putin\u2019s rationale for invading Ukraine as far back as 2008, more than a decade before the current invasion. In one statement on 11 September 2008, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs alleged Ukrainian attempts \u201cto heroize the accomplices of fascism,\u201d violate \u201cthe rights of Ukraine\u2019s Russian-speaking population\u201d and \u201coust the Russian language from the public life of the country, science, education, culture and the mass media.\u201d Our findings indicate that the world should listen when Russia starts trash-talking other countries. Similar accusations and storytelling were used about Georgia before Russia\u2019s invasion of that country in 2008.While the accusations are false and become pillars of dis- and misinformation campaigns, these repeated Russian claims appear to potentially foreshadow Russian aggression and intervention in neighboring countries. In a period that has been largely forgotten, Russian-Ukrainian relations were largely defined by Russian attempts to build a strategic partnership with the neighboring country before 2013. Negotiations led to cooperative approaches for handling military threats and conflict in neighboring regions. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov asserted on 23 September, 2005, that there was \u201ca common striving to continue seeking to improve the atmosphere in Russian-Ukrainian relations.\u201d However, tensions rose between 2008 and 2010 when Russia began voicing concerns about anti-Russian sentiment in Ukraine and alleging a rebirth of fascism. On 25 June, 2008, the Russian Ministry of Affairs publicly stated that it was \u201castounded\u201d that the Ukrainian government sympathized with Nazis: \u201cExtolling the Nazi accomplices is inadmissible. It defiles the memory of the millions of people of many countries and nationalities who died in the struggle against fascism.\u201d But the rhetoric of strategic partnership largely returned between 2010 and 2013.<\/p>\n

The headquarters of Russia\u2019s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which was key in spreading false accusations against Ukraine.<\/p>\n

Wikipedia, CC BY-SA<\/p>\n

Russia\u2019s thwarted planRussia\u2019s strategic partnership efforts, in part aimed at keeping Ukraine close to Russia and distant from Europe, seemed to be working. In 2013, Ukraine\u2019s leaders reversed the country\u2019s political course and rejected an agreement that would have fostered closer political and economic ties between Ukraine and the European Union. But this reversal triggered large-scale citizen protests and civil unrest. They culminated in the Ukrainian government killing protesters and Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych \u2013 long-considered a puppet of Vladimir Putin \u2013 fleeing the country to Russia. New government elections were held and in 2014, the previously rejected Association Agreement was signed that aimed to build closer political, financial and economic ties between Ukraine and the European Union. During this period of turmoil, Ukrainian citizens protested Russian influence over the country and lack of progress in forging relations with Europe. In response, Russia alleged that Western powers were supporting rising far-right extremism, fascism and Nazism in Ukraine. Russia also falsely claimed the alleged rise of extremism was linked to biased Russophobic media in Ukraine. When protests erupted in Kyiv in 2014 following the initial abandonment of the Association Agreement with the EU, Russia\u2019s ambassador to the U.N., Vitaly Churkin, referred to protesters as \u201cfascist-inspired radicals.\u201d Russia\u2019s ambassador to the U.N., Vitaly Churkin, referred in 2014 in an interview to Ukrainian protesters as \u201cfascist-inspired radicals.\u201dThe turmoil spiraled into the outbreak of armed conflict by pro-Russian separatists in eastern Ukraine and Russia\u2019s annexation of the portion of Ukraine known as Crimea in 2014. At that point, Russia sought to delegitimise the Ukrainian government again by castigating it for alleged atrocities, including \u201cmassive deaths of civilians as a result of the punitive [military] operation of Kiev.\u201d Russia repeatedly linked Ukrainian anti-Russian groups to fascism \u2013 one official statement referred to \u201cThe growing spread of the radical, primarily ultranationalist, neo-Nazi ideology.\u201d Russia blamed the West for fueling the conflict, asserting that a grave humanitarian crisis was taking place in eastern Ukraine.[Over 150,000 readers rely on The Conversation\u2019s newsletters to understand the world. Sign up today.]Russia also accused Ukraine of a campaign to promote anti-Russian sentiment, alleging on 30 March, 2019, that Ukraine was targeting journalists and practiced \u201cgross infringement on the rights of journalists and the freedom of the media.\u201d Russia also charged that Ukraine was guilty of various human rights violations. Importantly, even though such claims have been thoroughly debunked throughout the years, Russian rhetoric remained mostly unchanged. False claims justify a warAs Russian troops prepared to cross the Ukrainian border en masse on 24 February, 2022, Putin expanded on the anti-Ukrainian language that he had begun using over a decade before.According to Putin, Ukraine was a fascist, neo-Nazi country propped up by the West, and he was seeking to \u201cdemilitarise and denazify\u201d the country. Allegations of atrocities expanded into accusations of genocide of Russian speakers, as Putin also claimed, \u201cWe had to stop that atrocity, that genocide of the millions of people who live there and who pinned their hopes on Russia.\u201d Putin attempted to further delegitimise Ukrainian leaders by calling them \u201ca band of drug addicts and neo-Nazis.\u201d He blamed the West for the escalating tensions in Ukraine. While many in the West were shocked at hearing Putin\u2019s justifications for invasion, he has been remarkably consistent for more than a decade.Juris Pupcenoks, Associate Professor of Political Science, Marist College and Graig Klein, Assistant Professor of Terrorism & Political Violence, Leiden UniversityThis article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.<\/p>\n

For More News And Analysis About South-Africa<\/a> Follow Africa-Press<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Africa-Press – South-Africa. Russian President Vladimir Putin\u2019s rationale for invading Ukraine was clear from as far back as 2008, more than a decade before the current invasion, writes Juris Pupcenok and Graig Klein. 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