Africa-Press – Eritrea. On the Sudan
The war in the Sudan is not really a civil war or merely a confrontation between two Generals.
The historical backdrop of the spontaneous popular uprising that erupted in the Sudan and that led to the current preoccupying situation must be appraised fully for contextual and informed reading of the prevailing reality.
From its independence in 1956 until the National Islamic Front (NIF) usurped power through a military coup in 1989, the politics of the Sudan was much more advanced in comparative continental terms. The NIF had embedded itself in the Numeri Regime as early as 1983 but it failed to achieve its objective through normal political processes. Political Islam and the fundamentalist agenda that it espoused had peripheral support within the broader population as it did not exceed 4% in those times. This is why it resorted to a military coup in 1989.
The NIF’s agenda of fundamentalism created cleavages and instability not only in the Sudan but also precipitated apprehension in the wider Horn of Africa region due to the dangers posed by its messianic political Islam. We must recall that Bin Laden was operating from Eastern Sudan in those times. The separation of South Sudan was the undesirable outcome of the NIF’s Islamist agenda. The Leaders of the South Sudan Movement were committed to a united and reformed Sudan that guaranteed the equal participation of all its citizens and constituencies. Separation was seen as a remote (1% probability) and residual option. The NIF’s Islamist agenda further stoked similar political upheavals in Abyei, Darfur, Kordofan etc. in addition to spiraling economic crises, despite the Sudan’s enormous endowments as it was often dubbed as the food-basket of Africa, that afflicted the whole country in the following two decades.
This was the backdrop of the 2019 spontaneous popular uprising.
In those critical early times, we, for our part, shared our thoughts in the form of a Road-Map of Transition with the Sovereign Council. The gist of the concept revolved around creating conducive conditions to fulfill the expressed aspirations of the Sudanese people by rectifying the follies of the NIF regime and fostering appropriate institutions based on citizenship rather than the institutionalisation of religious and ethnic enclaves. To this end, the Sovereign Council would be entrusted to shoulder the responsibility of Transition and hand power to a civilian government in due time. This could have been accomplished in the three years that have already elapsed without the complications that ensued to hamper the implementation of the desired mechanism.
Unfortunately, the conflict was exacerbated and escalated by external powers who have long targeted the Sudan due to its crucial geopolitical importance. The UAE’s leader is at the forefront in this baffling scheme which is also intertwined with the wider and elusive agenda of controlling virtually the constellation of Ports from Suez all the way down to the Gulf of Aden and as far as Tanzania. This agenda is contrary to the legacy of the UAE’s founding father and great Statesman. It cannot also be attributed solely to the agenda of the current leader of the UAE as there are other powers who are behind and driving the whole scheme.
Sudan’s stability is vital in contributing significantly to the overall security of the region. Our modest contribution in the stabilization of the Sudan is not thus an option but a necessity that we cannot overlook due to its ramifications. Indeed, this remains incumbent on other countries in the wider region too.
On National Priority Development Programmes
Eritrea’s broader development road-map focuses on increasing productivity in the sectors of comparative advantage within a framework of concrete and quantifiable programmes.
For the short term (i.e second half of 2025 and 2026), the priorities revolve around:
The opportunities for growth in the agricultural and marine resources sectors are huge, and the potential for growth high, in terms of arable land, water infrastructure and sustainable fisheries yields. In this context, concrete programmes for implementation include expansion of catchment areas; increased production of crops, pulses and horticulture; and, expansion of irrigation systems through imported and domestically produced innovative technology.
Phased implementation of devolved mini-grids for energy supply through hybrid – thermal which will increasingly be supplanted by solar – sources.
Implementation of residential housing projects in urban as well as rural areas especially in those slated for projects of economic expansion.
Improvement of social services particularly in education and health. A comprehensive review of our education system from the Kindergarten to the tertiary level is underway to ensure higher standards and greater efficiency. Ensuring the quality and distribution of our health facilities remains of paramount importance and this will be incorporated in the short-term programme of enhanced delivery of social services.
Provision of social safety net to those that depend on State support while creating employment opportunities to those who are able to work.
More vigorous work on the maintenance of existing national road networks to provide better transport services for the movement of people and goods.
More importantly, our capacity building or human resources development programme remains our top priority. It is the indispensable prerequisite for realizing all the projects outlined earlier.
All our projects must be carried out within a measurable framework and clear timeframe of implementation.
Regional Administrations will take responsibility to implement the national development projects within their respective regions. Community participation is critical for the success and ownership of these programmes. The Defense Forces will contribute in the implementation of large infrastructural programmes. The Diaspora can also participate in the development programmes through investment in accordance with appropriate modalities.
On Diplomatic and Media Work
President Isaias referred to Eritrea’s road-map of diplomacy for constructive engagement in its Wider Neighborhood – the Horn of Africa, Nile Basin, Red Sea and Gulf Regions. This is predicated on promoting overall stability and enhancing the common agendas of complementarity and integration. The policy goes beyond the Neighborhood to foster consultation with other powers and countries that impact the region in various ways: the US, Europe, China, Russia etc.
Within the Wider Neighborhood, Eritrea strives to canvass for greater involvement of all the countries to address critical issues of instability and conflict. Purposeful action by regional players can prevent the trends of crisis management and perpetuation by external actors. The diplomatic engagements must be predicated on good-faith interactions; not futile deceptions. In this connection, President Isaias again urged Ethiopia to focus on resolving its pressing internal problems instead of indulging in provocative rhetoric.
President Isaias emphasized the synergy and interlinked media and diplomatic tasks both through a proactive and reactive approaches. The reactive posturing stems from relentless campaigns of defamation and demonization. While the imperative of debunking disinformation is palpable, the task includes proactive and positive information that has its impact and dividends in the diplomatic work. These tasks must be enhanced through greater interaction in social media and functional Centers of Strategic Studies for objective narratives.
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