Africa-Press – Ethiopia. July 17, 2025 5 minutes read Addis Abeba – Last month witnessed the resumption of informal cross-border movement between Ethiopia and Eritrea, a frontier that has remained largely closed since the outbreak of the war in Tigray region in November 2020. In the wake of this development, communities from border villages gathered in celebration, reconnecting for the first time in five years. The reunion—held in the town of Zalambessa and attended by village elders and religious leaders—served as a symbolic moment of peace and reconciliation.
According to reports, the reopening of a section of the border was initiated by local activists and community members, without formal authorization from either government. However, residents noted that the initiative proceeded with what they described as the “tacit blessings” of certain officials in both the Tigray region and Eritrea.
Speaking at a ceremony held on 22 June, 2025, in the town of Hawzen to mark the 37th anniversary of the region’s martyrs, Debretsion Gebremichael, Chairperson of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), stated that the party is committed to ensuring that “the people-to-people relations developing between the peoples of Tigray and Eritrea continue to strengthen.” He also emphasized that efforts will be made to foster “similar relations” with other neighboring communities.
While grassroots peacebuilding efforts are generally welcomed, their timing and broader geopolitical implications require careful consideration. This is particularly important given that the recent informal border reopening—part of a campaign known as “Engagement” or “Tsmido”—comes at a sensitive period. Tensions between Eritrea and Ethiopia have recently escalated, characterized by an exchange of sharp words between the two nations.
In his speech during Eritrea’s 34th independence anniversary celebration, President Isaias Afwerki characterized Ethiopia as a nation entangled in what he described as a “spiral of crises and devastation.” In response, Ambassador Dina Mufti, former spokesperson for Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, accused President Isaias of promoting what he called a “very dangerous” narrative of “Cushitic-Semitic antagonism.” Ambassador Mufti further contended that this narrative is part of a broader effort to destabilize Ethiopia and realign political forces within the Horn of Africa. These remarks underscore the increasing diplomatic hostility between the two countries.
Moreover, both countries have exchanged accusations at the United Nations amid escalating tensions. Eritrea has accused the Ethiopian government of sending diplomatic communications to the UN Secretary-General and “several Heads of State and Government,” alleging “repeated provocations” and “infringements on Ethiopian sovereign and territorial integrity.” Eritrea characterized these efforts as part of a broader attempt “to rationalize and ignite conflict.”
Ethiopia, in turn, has accused Eritrea of maintaining “unrelenting cooperation and coordination between a faction of the TPLF” and “other armed groups under their tutelage to undertake major offensive operations during the upcoming rainy season.” In a letter addressed to U.S. Secretary of State Marco A. Rubio, Foreign Minister Gedion Timothewos condemned Eritrea’s “territorial occupation,” “repeated provocations,” and its support for subversive groups, describing these actions as clear violations of international law.
These exchanges coincide with the release of a new report by The Sentry, which presents detailed evidence indicating that Eritrean leaders actively planned and prepared for the war in Ethiopia’s Tigray region well before the outbreak of hostilities. Furthermore, the report underscores Eritrea’s longstanding role in destabilizing the Horn of Africa—a pattern that previously led to the imposition of UN sanctions in 2009. Although those sanctions have since been lifted, Eritrea is now reportedly “rebuilding its military, bolstering its defenses, and continuing to destabilize its neighbors.”
Hidden motives, shifting alliances
Ironically, a faction of the TPLF has been advocating for peace with Isaias’s Eritrea while remaining notably silent on past grievances. This dissonance raises questions about underlying motives and political alignments. The Ethiopian federal government, meanwhile, appears to have relinquished control of the border area, prompting alarm over national security.
At a time when national borders require strict surveillance and control, a border opening led by activists outside the purview of state authority is deeply problematic for any sovereign nation.”
This shift in alliances and timing suggests that the “Engagement” campaign may not merely be about community reconciliation, potentially representing a tactical maneuver. Such a move could conceivably position Ethiopia within a geopolitical trap, thereby threatening the nation’s unity and territorial integrity.
Historically, the Eritrean government has demonstrated a pattern of exploiting regional instability to pursue its strategic interests. Despite decades of mutual hostility, the Eritrean government and the TPLF faction now seem to share a common interest in opposing Ethiopia’s federal government. Their sudden silence toward each other, coupled with discreet support for the border reopening, suggests a tactical alliance.
Under President Isaias’s leadership, Eritrea’s involvement in multiple regional clashes—including the conflict in Yemen, the devastating war in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, and the ongoing crisis in Sudan—highlights its continued reliance on militarized influence to assert its regional interests. Eritrean forces are reportedly active in Sudan, providing support to General Al-Burhan’s army. Reports indicate that the country has become a key conduit for smuggling weapons to government forces in Port Sudan, including anti-aircraft systems, barrel bombs, and spare parts. Additionally, Eritrea-trained militias were deployed to eastern Sudan last year.
Given this background, there is reason to believe that Isaias’s Eritrea may exploit the informal border opening in Zalambessa to infiltrate arms and destabilizing agents into Ethiopia. Combined with the TPLF faction’s ambiguous stance, this situation poses a serious risk to Ethiopia’s national sovereignty.
From GERD to gold smuggling
Eritrea has long served as a strategic partner for Egypt in its efforts to counter Ethiopia, especially regarding the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). The so-called Asmara Accord, signed by Egypt, Eritrea, and Somalia, has been perceived as an anti-Ethiopia alliance aimed at undermining Ethiopia’s Red Sea ambitions and contesting the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between Ethiopia and Somaliland in January 2024.
Although the Asmara Accord was briefly overshadowed by the Ankara Declaration between Ethiopia and Somalia, it appears to be regaining momentum. After tensions resurfaced between Ethiopia and Somalia over technical disagreements, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud traveled to Egypt to reaffirm strategic ties. Egypt’s foreign minister also recently held a phone conversation with his Eritrean counterpart to discuss bilateral relations—another signal of potential alignment against Ethiopia.
This geopolitical chessboard makes the Zalambessa border opening even more suspect. The likely convergence of TPLF faction interests with President Isaias and Egyptian agendas could pave the way for coordinated efforts to destabilize Ethiopia—especially with the upcoming inauguration of GERD, an event both Egypt and President Isaias does not want to happen.
The informal reopening of the border may also serve as a conduit for accelerating the illicit smuggling and trade of gold from the Tigray region through Eritrea to Dubai. Reports indicate that gold from the Tigray region is being illicitly mined and traded, with the involvement of senior military figures. Eritrea is reportedly serving as a key transit hub for this illegal gold flow.
The gold extracted from Tigray is smuggled through a network of well-established routes. One major smuggling corridor passes passes through Adiabo and Badme, crossing the Mereb River into Eritrea before continuing on to Dubai. As global gold prices continue to rise, both the TPLF faction and the government of Eritrea may exploit the relaxed border controls and informal crossings to further this illicit trade.
Call for vigilance
At a time when national borders require strict surveillance and control, a border opening led by activists outside the purview of state authority is deeply problematic for any sovereign nation. While grassroots reconciliation efforts are commendable in principle, their misuse for covert agendas can have devastating consequences.
The Ethiopian government must take urgent steps to monitor and secure its northern borders to prevent potential infiltration, arms trafficking, or destabilization efforts. Failure to act decisively could threaten not only the peace process but also Ethiopia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. AS
Editor’s Note: The author of this opinion piece, Zerihun Hailu, is a junior researcher and geopolitical analyst with a focus on the Horn of Africa and the Sahel region. He can be reached at [email protected]
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are that of the writer’s and do not necessarily reflect the editorial of Addis Standard.
For More News And Analysis About Ethiopia Follow Africa-Press