Africa-Press – Uganda. As Uganda approaches the 2026 general elections, several individuals are stepping forward to express their interest in contesting for the country’s top office.
Among them is Noah Denis Mubiru, who has declared his intention to run for president, pledging a campaign built on forgiveness, reconciliation, and a fresh start.
In an interview , Mubiru said that on his first day in office, he would sign a blanket amnesty that includes President Museveni and his family.
He emphasized that Uganda’s post-independence political history has been marred by cycles of revenge and exclusion, where those who gain power often treat others as enemies.
Mubiru outlined his vision for a more inclusive and progressive Uganda, calling for a national reset and a move away from politics of bitterness. His manifesto, he said, offers a new path forward grounded in unity and healing.
Below are the excerpts;
Who is Noah Mubiru?
My name is Mubiru Noah Denis. I am 57 years old. I am a Musoga by tribe born and raised in Mayuge District. I have been in full-time, gainful employment, I run businesses, and I also write books.
Can you tell us more about the books you have written?
Yes. My first book is Living Positive in Negativity. It emphasizes taking responsibility for your life because only when we own our problems can we live better. The second is Life Is Lived Twice, which focuses on living in reality. Many people live in denial thinking they’re invincible, as if death won’t come. The book urges readers to face reality and live purposefully.
The third is The Hustle, which discusses how we can adopt a productive “African hustle” to improve our societies. People admire countries that have developed, but those nations hustled to get there. My writing tackles such mindsets.
Tell us about your academic qualifications.
I hold several qualifications. I have a Diploma in Secondary Education from Jambo Institute of Education (now Jambo University). I also have a Diploma in Human Resource Management and another in Business Entrepreneurship and Management from Harrison College in Ireland. I’m a graduate of Makerere University with a Bachelor of Arts in Social Sciences, where I majored in Economics and Social Administration.
What inspired you to express interest in contesting for the presidency in 2026?
Over a decade ago around 2006 I began observing Uganda’s trajectory. I saw the warning signs. While we had made some gains, I feared they would start to erode. I decided to study the country deeply its people, population, resources, and challenges.
Leadership is about managing resources human, financial, physical for the betterment of people. That is what I want to do: manage Uganda’s resources to improve lives.
You have said you have traveled across Uganda. Can you tell us more about that?
Yes. I have physically visited nearly every corner of Uganda. From Wakiso to Fort Portal, from Masaka to Mutukula, from Mbarara to Kabale, from Kisoro to Kanungu and Kasese, to Bundibugyo, and onward to Nebbi. I have been to Busia, Iganga, Mayuge, Mukono, and Kampala. I’ve reached Kotido, Kidepo, and even remote parts of Bukwo and Buvuma. I have walked the land, seen the challenges, and interacted with people. So, when I say I want to lead, I understand the country and its realities.
What are some of the key challenges you have observed in these regions?
One major issue is inaccessibility. While highways exist, the last-mile connectivity to villages is poor. Take the slopes of Mount Elgon or Rwenzori, for instance people struggle to reach their homes. Even flat areas like Karamoja flood during rains, cutting off communities.
When you construct a tarmac road in such places, you uplift the area tenfold even without giving people capital. Infrastructure like roads, power, and clean water are transformative.
What else have you noted?
Agriculture is in decline. Areas like Masaka and Mayuge were once food baskets known for matooke. Today, production is down. Northern Uganda was known for simsim and groundnuts, but output has fallen. Even the matooke from western Uganda is now inconsistent due to drought.
We must revive agriculture and invest in it. Another issue is illiteracy. While it has reduced, it’s still widespread. People need access to quality education to escape poverty. There’s also youth unemployment, lack of health services, and the issue of poor resource allocation.
Do you think the current government has not done enough to educate Ugandans, especially when compared to past regimes?
To be fair, the government has made contributions to education. But sadly, it is now undoing that progress. Yes, we have graduates but how employable are they? Some study under trees, write while sitting on bricks, and after all that, the output is worrying. Many graduates can’t spell their names correctly or communicate effectively. That’s not just about access to education it’s about the quality. So, while the government has done something, it’s not enough anymore. We must do better. That’s why one of my priorities is to revamp the education system immediately not tomorrow.
What are your key proposals on education?
We are going to streamline the examination system. I propose eliminating multiple national exams like PLE, UCE, and UACE. Global education rankings are not based on how many exams one sits but, on the quality, and relevance of content and skills acquired.
We will adopt a hybrid model that integrates both international and local curricula. Parents will have the choice to pursue either path. But our local system will be strong enough to give learners the same competitiveness globally.
Currently, we have two parallel systems international and local that are worlds apart. That must change. We want a system that reflects the real needs of Ugandans whether in Bukwo or Kampala and equips students with practical skills, including cottage industry knowledge, starting as early as P7.
What is the central message of your manifesto?
My manifesto is anchored on forgiveness, reconciliation, and restarting. Since independence, Uganda’s political culture has been driven by revenge and exclusion. Whoever gets power treats others as enemies. That cycle must stop.
Leaders who have been in power for decades have made mistakes some of which amount to crimes. People have lost loved ones, property, and opportunities. On the other side, those seeking power threaten revenge. Naturally, those in power feel insecure and do everything to stay sometimes by manipulating the law.
This is a dangerous cycle. That is why, on my first day in office, I will sign a blanket amnesty for five categories of people. The blanket amnesty will cover all civil servants who have served since independence, all security personnel both serving and retired, all individuals who have held political appointments, all former and current political officeholders, and all presidents of Uganda since independence.
This amnesty will also cover their immediate families. No cases, no confiscation of property. We start afresh.
Does this mean you would forgive President Museveni too?
Yes. He would be the first beneficiary. As a former president, he would be entitled to security briefings and remain an advisor to the sitting president. We must stop discarding the knowledge of former leaders. Every leader, regardless of their record, has something to contribute. We must build systems, not personalities.
Critics will argue this let’s corrupt officials and human rights violators escape justice. How do you respond?
We already forgave colonialists those who killed, looted, and enslaved our people. Today, we call them development partners. Why then can’t we forgive fellow Ugandans? Yes, people have suffered. Some are orphans. Others don’t know whether their relatives are dead or alive. People have lost limbs, properties, and lives. It’s painful but if we keep chasing revenge, the cycle never ends. Each regime will be overthrown and punished, and the next will do the same. It must stop. We need to reconcile, forgive, and move forward.
Will there be any form of truth-telling or reparations for victims of political violence?
Yes. We will establish a National Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Victims will be heard, and in some cases, compensated. The goal isn’t punishment but healing. Emotional pain must be addressed. Justice doesn’t always mean jail; sometimes, it means acknowledgement, repentance, and repair.
You propose reducing cabinet to 17 ministers and limiting Parliament to 80 MPs. How will that work without affecting regional representation?
First, ministries should reflect national needs, not ethnic or regional identity. We’ve created ministries like “Minister for Karamoja” or “Minister for Busoga” but these are largely symbolic. For example, if there’s an earthquake in Busoga, it should be handled by the Minister for Disaster Preparedness not a regional minister. This duplication is wasteful and often driven by patronage.
We will have 17 functional ministries covering the entire country based on integrity and competence, not tribal balance. These ministers will be accountable, and every region will still be served through efficient structures.
You also suggest reducing government expenditure. How?
Each minister will be limited to two vehicles one official and one personal. The personal one is for family errands. No more government cars taking children to school or doing private errands. We’ll eliminate the waste of multiple convoys and redundant drivers. Government work must be lean and efficient. We must stop reshuffling ministers aimlessly. If you perform well and have integrity, you serve your full term. If not, you resign or are removed.
What will be your top priorities in the first 100 days if elected?
If elected, my top three priorities in the first year will be: first, signing a blanket amnesty and launching a national reconciliation process to promote healing and unity; second, revamping the education system to make it more relevant, unified, and practical for today’s needs; and third, reducing the size of government and cutting public expenditure in order to redirect funds toward critical sectors like health, education, and infrastructure.
What would be your top three priorities in your first 100 days in office?
My first action on day one would be to sign the national amnesty instrument.
Second, I would immediately begin cutting government expenditure. We will reduce the number of ministries to 17. The offices of Resident District Commissioners (RDCs), special desks in State House, and Presidential Advisors will all be phased out. We’ll also eliminate duplications in government agencies and parastatals some of these entities should operate as small desks, not full-fledged departments with bloated budgets.
On taxation, within the first month, we shall reduce VAT from 18% to 10%. Though an 8% reduction may seem small, it will increase purchasing power. For example, if someone has been paying 1.18 million, they’ll now pay 1.1 million saving 80,000. That might not seem like much, but across the country, it makes a real difference. The country will not collapse because we have cut VAT; the reduced expenditure from trimming government will balance it out.
How can Ugandans be sure you are not a state-sponsored candidate?
Ugandans can verify this for themselves. I have never been a member of any political party. I’ve never held a political appointment. I’ve never been a political activist. I have no political affiliations. I was born in Mayuge district. I come from the Musa Mubiru clan of the Basoga, and I have lived as an ordinary citizen.
I have been developing my manifesto over the last 10 years. I saw that Uganda doesn’t need another traditional candidate to simply replace the president. We need to fundamentally reset the entire system.
I am not standing to compete with President Museveni or other politicians under the current system. I will only stand if President Museveni and the other political actors adopt my manifesto. Why? Because no one can win an election under the current Constitution unless the sitting president allows it.
The problem is not just Museveni—it’s the Constitution, enacted in the 1990s. It gives the sitting president overwhelming powers. He controls security, appoints the Electoral Commission, and can declare a national emergency at any time, even claiming threats from groups like Al-Qaeda just to take over voting centers. No one questions it because the Constitution allows it.
What then should be done? People want change.
Real change can’t come from within the current government because they can’t forgive themselves. Nobody would trust them to start over. What should be done and what I propose as priority number one is this: we forgive, we reconcile, and we restart.
Why do you want the current president to adopt your manifesto? What happens if he does?
If the president adopts my manifesto, then he should not stand again. The manifesto is clear about this. I would be the one to stand not as a competitor to him, but as a transitional leader under a new national agreement. This may sound unrealistic to some, but it’s possible.
Imagine a scenario where all opposition leaders and those in government sit down, agree to adopt this manifesto, and work together. No more fighting. No more revenge. Just a fresh start.
If the manifesto is not adopted, I won’t stand. Why waste time in an election whose outcome is already predetermined? In the current system, no sitting president can lose power unless he chooses to step down.
What specific constitutional changes would you push for?
The Constitution must be overhauled within the first three years of my leadership. The first and most important reform is reducing the excessive powers of the presidency. Right now, the president appoints key officials like the chairman of the Electoral Commission and even defines their performance targets. But who checks the president? No one. The checks and balances are ineffective because all key accountability mechanisms report to the appointing authority the president himself.
Unless these powers are stripped and rebalanced, any future president Museveni or not will behave the same way. They can label opponents as terrorists, shut down campaigns, and still claim legality.
That is why I insist: the sitting president and other leaders must not contest in the next election. I should stand on a shared, agreed-upon national platform that resets the nation. We then work together, form systems that work, and restore public trust.
Source: Nilepost News
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