By Elias Kamanga
Africa-Press – Zambia. News that the Tonse Alliance Council of Leaders has unanimously chosen the Forum for Democracy and Development (FDD) as the Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) for the forthcoming Chawama Parliamentary by-election filled me with genuine excitement.
With the legal and political challenges that have bedeviled the PF, the need for a lifeline ahead of the 2026 elections if not only for itself but for the good of Democracy need not be emphasised. The PF needs a new home!
To me, this moment feels like history unfolding in reverse — a replay of 2004, when a small group of us inside FDD quietly engineered a de facto working relationship with the then-rising Patriotic Front (PF), long before PF became a governing party.
Many political players today may not appreciate just how many former FDD leaders, MPs, councillors, and grassroots organizers eventually found themselves in PF and contributed significantly to its rise.
However, the truth is simple: the political logic that once propelled FDD members toward PF still makes FDD the natural second home for most PF members even today.
By late 2003, the mood within FDD structures across the country — from Copperbelt to Luapula, Eastern to Northern Province — had become impossible to ignore. After the 2001 loss to MMD, FDD supporters felt the party needed a strategic partnership to remain relevant ahead of 2006. And all fingers pointed in one direction: the fast-growing PF under Michael Chilufya Sata.
PF was considered bold, unfiltered, and reform-driven, capturing the frustrations of ordinary citizens. FDD, meanwhile, was already a respected and well-structured national party with countrywide visibility, credibility, and organisational depth.
The synergy was obvious.
Because of this overwhelming sentiment, we were tasked by colleagues to take the proposal to FDD President Hon. Edith Nawakwi, who had succeeded Lt. Gen. Christon Tembo after the 2001 election loss.
We travelled to Lusaka and made the case: aligning with PF was not just an option — it was a political necessity.
But President Nawakwi firmly rejected the idea. Her ambitions and strategic reading of the political landscape did not include subordinating FDD’s future to the PF wave. With that, the door to a formal alliance was shut.
When we returned to the grassroots structures and relayed the leadership’s decision, the members were resolute.
“If FDD would not move officially toward PF, the membership itself would create the path”.
A small team — myself, the late Elizabeth Kalongelwa Phiri (later a PF MCC), the late Beatrice Miti (later Mufulira DC under PF), and one other colleague whose name escapes me — was mandated to begin direct talks with Mr. Sata.
We met at Farmers House. Mr. Sata was flanked by PF heavyweights of that era:
Dr. Guy Scott (then Secretary-General) Hon. Davies Mwila, Dr. Chileshe Mulenga,
Edward Mumbi,Hon. Dorothy Kazonga,Hon. Esther Banda
Our FDD team was led by former Chifunabuli MP Hon. Ernest Mwansa, later Deputy Speaker after PF’s 2011 victory.
That pivotal Saturday meeting produced an informal but extremely consequential grassroots alliance — never declared, never formalized, but powerful enough to help reshape Zambia’s political future.
Former FDD cadres, organizers, and leaders began crossing into PF, strengthening its organizational muscle. By the time PF formed government in 2011, countless former FDD members were serving as ministers, deputy ministers, DCs, PSs, MPs, and mayors.
Some notable names included Hon. Ernest Mwansa, Hon. Maj Celestine Chibamba, Hon. Elizabeth Chitika, Hon. Luxon Kazabu, Hon. Charles Banda
Hon. Nkandu Luo, Hon. Lucas Phiri, MCC Elizabeth Phiri,the late Beatrice Miti and the author.
Many others held roles in Parliament, councils, and party structures.The unofficial alliance had matured and went on to form Government.
Twenty years later, the same political logic remains intact — perhaps even stronger.
1. FDD is a nationally recognized, well-established party.
Its Name, history, and legacy still resonate across the country. This makes it ideal for SPV roles or strategic alliances.
2. Many PF leaders trace their political roots to FDD. Where FDD is lacking in structures PF is overwhelmed by members jostling for positions.
Dozens of former ministers, MCCs, MPs, councillors, strategists, and mobilizers began their journeys in FDD. Returning through FDD therefore feels natural — almost like coming home.
3. FDD and PF share ideological DNA.
Both emerged from dissatisfaction with MMD-era governance. Both championed reform, anti-corruption, and pro-poor policies.
4. The grassroots connection never died.
Even after transitioning to PF, many leaders retained emotional and organizational roots in FDD.
5. FDD has retained stable structures.
It remains disciplined, nationally intact, and dependable — ideal for by-elections and broader coalition arrangements.
The Tonse Alliance’s decision to use FDD as the SPV in the Chawama by-election is not a coincidence. It is a return to an old but unfinished partnership — a relationship first forged quietly in the early 2000s by dedicated foot soldiers, organizers, and believers who saw the political future long before others did.
The fact that both the late leaders of PF and FDD, Edgar chagwa Lungu and Lt Tembo served as Chawama MPs makes the choice of the SPV even more special.
Perhaps even more profound is that by the time she passed on Ms Nawakwi had for all intents and purposes gone into alliance with PF.
Sometimes in politics, the past does not merely echo — it reasserts itself.
And when it does, it reminds us that alliances born in struggle often re-emerge precisely when they are needed most.
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