Africa-Press – Eswatini. When Aljazeera published their investigative docuseries on the gold mafia scandal—a scandal that stretched from Kenya, Dubai, South Africa, Egypt and Zimbabwe—they untangled a complicated and sophisticated web of money laundering, corruption and downright theft.
Even though the investigative docuseries by Aljazeera implicated high-ranking government officials and private businessmen in the region, it was interesting that eSwatini was never mentioned directly or even impliedly by Aljazeera.
The country was, for once, not involved in an international scandal even though many of our sources told us the country’s authorities were as implicated as the rest of those mentioned in the series.
After all, some of the implicated individuals were known to have a cosy relationship with the country’s authorities and were regulars in the country, albeit operating below the radar. It was Zimbabwe and the controversial prophet-turned Zimbabwe’s super diplomat, Uebert Angel, whose hands were found to be in the cooky jar.
Yet, rather inexplicably, the government spokesperson, Alpheous Nxumalo, took an unprecedented step and made a video statement condemning Aljazeera for their investigative series.
The government of eSwatini hardly issues a statement, not least via video, on international issues. So when Nxumalo took the unprecedented step of defending Angel, it was clear there was a link between the controversial prophet and the country’s authorities; all that remained was for time to reveal the extent of the relationship and the ties that bound all the protagonists together.
The video-recorded statement by Nxumalo was, in the words of Zimbabwean author Tawanda Majoni, merely a “self-serving propaganda attempt to benefit Angel in his individual capacity”.
That came mainly from the fact that the statement was exclusively about Angel and deliberately or inadvertently skipped the broader story on gold and money laundering as reported by Al Jazeera. Instead, Nxumalo chose to focus on absolving Angel as an individual.
The question then was why? Beyond the obvious, as chronicled on the Aljazeera docuseries, sources have told us that the relationship between Angel and the country’s authorities, which culminated in the recent invitation to preach at Mandvulo church service by the King, was indicative of how important the King is in the region.
Back when Robert Mugabe was the leader of Zimbabwe, it was well known within diplomatic circles that he saw the young Monarch as his protégé.
This was not so much political but rather a personal bond between the two leaders as the now late Mugabe saw our Monarch as “a boy who grew right before my eyes” deserving of his protection and tutelage. Within SADC, it was King Mswati and Mugabe who had been in power the longest and therefore had become the literal “big boys” of the regional block.
King Mswati saw Mugabe as the last bastion of support against sporadic pressure exerted by South Africa, Botswana and sometimes Namibia to reform. This was more pronounced during the Nelson Mandela and later Thabo Mbeki years. But with Mugabe by his corner, King Mswati could easily ward off all regional pressures for reform.
Mugabe was a regular in the country too, attending most of the monarch’s significant events from the 40/40 celebrations to the King’s traditional Umhlanga ceremony among many other events.
It was known in the region that the relationship between Mugabe and King Mswati was that of father and son. So, when the coup in Zimbabwe happened and catapulted current Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa from Deputy President to President, via a brief stay in exile in South Africa, it was well known which side King Mswati was on.
Initially, the relationship between Mnangagwa, now the new leader of Zimbabwe, and King Mswati was frosty at best and hostile at worst. After all, Mnangagwa had removed the King’s beloved mentor. Now enters Angel!
It was Angel who smothered the relationship between the Zimbabwean leader and the Monarch via a slew of controversial businesspeople linked to the elaborate gold mafia networks. Soon relations between Zimbabwe and eSwatini got warmer, cordial and ultimately friendly.
In May this year, King Mswati was invited to attend the Transform Africa Summit (TAS) in Victoria Falls and was later made the guest that officially opened Zimbabwe’s 2023 International Trade (ZITF) in Bulawayo.Significant about this event is that it was not just a state visit between two heads of state but importantly the King was now being accepted within ZANU PF as a legitimate ruler of the country at a time when the focus was on eSwatini following the 2021 failed uprising.
SADC leaders like Cyril Ramaphosa and later Namibian President Hage G. Geingob were intent on forcing a settlement on eSwatini. Summit after summit eSwatini became a headliner and the country obfuscated only to buy time. With Mnangagwa by his corner, King Mswati knew the voices of condemnation were getting thinner within the regional body.
“Zimbabwe has been through turbulent times and yet continues to thrive economically and is peaceful. This is a great demonstration to the world that Africa can find and implement her own solutions to issues and cases that are uniquely African,” said the King while in Zimbabwe. Charmed by the Second Republic’s works and the success of the engagement and re-engagement drive that saw Western countries attending ZITF, the Monarch leader said the country under President Mnangagwa would achieve its objectives.
“I must say that the last time I was here in Bulawayo was in the 90s, 1995 to be precise. That’s when I came to pay a visit and officially open the trade fair. I must confess that the vibe this year is getting stronger and stronger. I say well done to everyone who has made a contribution. You know even when I landed this morning, looking at the infrastructure, compared to the last time, there were totally new structures; new roads, new highways. Hearty congratulations to the people and Government of Zimbabwe,” continued King Mswati III.It was clear to everyone Zimbabwe had understood what came late to many SADC leaders: you need King Mswati on your side rather than the other way around. And that was the mastery of Angel to the Zimbabwean government.
King Mswati ́s master stroke meant that whenever the issue of eSwatini came to the table he had more sympathetic ears as opposed to the opposition who were rumbling from the periphery and stumbling from one disaster to the next. Why is King Mswati important to regional leaders?
“The answer is simple,” says Andreus Stevenson, a security analyst from South Africa. “Understand something. All the regional leaders are susceptible to rotation as Presidents. This can happen intra party power dynamics or at a country level where the ruling party can lose an election. So all the regional leaders know they enjoy temporary power but the one leader who is guaranteed to be there come rain or sunshine is King Mswati. So King Mswati never worries if an election will retain or rotate him yet all the other leaders cannot have the same guarantee. Think back to how many SADC leaders have changed in the last 30 years yet King Mswati is still there. This makes the King very important among the regional leaders and very useful too for those with political ambitions pre or post their term of office,” continued Stevenson.
An insider from royalty told The Bridge that in the last couple of years the importance of King Mswati in the region has grown exponentially as more leaders realise they need the King for three principal reasons. “First, you need the King to help shelter you or protect you if you lose an election in your country. In worse cases when something bad happens, be it a coup or anything you can have King Mswati as a rear base to reorganise and plan your political comeback. Secondly, you need the King to fund your elections within the party and in the state. The King has money and most of the leaders know that if you are in his good books he can give you a significant contribution to win an election. Lastly, we are all Africans we know many of these leaders believe in muti. So they sometimes come here hoping some muti will either make them win an election or just be loved back in their countries. So it’s your choice, offend the King or work with him,” continued the source who preferred to remain anonymous.
The contemporary history of eSwatini proves this to be true. Back in 2009, former Madagascar President Marc Ravalomanana was ousted in a coup. He sought refuge in the country and was sheltered by the King until such time that he was ready to return home and challenge for political office.
It was the King who saved Ravalomanana from being thrown into the dustbin of history.
It was his diplomacy that ensured that the former President could return home safely. When former South African President Jacob Zuma had a nasty political fight first with former President Thabo Mbeki, and later with South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, the Zulu born leader became a frequent visitor to the country.
It was here, some allege, that the political strategy, the financial resources and the muti were cooked to plot Zuma ́s comeback to power.
And indeed he was successful having won his contest against Mbeki and then his ability to neutralise then ANCYL President Julius Malema who wanted to remove him in order to put former Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe.
Later on, when BBC ́s investigative documentary alleged that Billions of Libyan money had mysteriously disappeared when the former Libyan President Muammar Gadaffi (who had housed and militarily trained the King ́s son, Prince Scalo) was deposed all paper trail pointed to South Africa, then ruled by Zuma, and subsequently eSwatini.
President Ramaphosa sent countless missions to the country first to try and recover the money and later to bridge the political divide in the country following the failed 2021 uprisings. Both missions failed and only helped to underscore the very hostile relationship between Ramaphosa and King Mswati III.
Even during SADC missions to discuss eSwatini, South Africa got isolated in trying to force King Mswati into a dialogue as countries like Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Botswana (among others) never developed the testicular fortitude to support a compromise with the monarch.
Zuma ́s success therefore paved the way for other regional leaders to realise the importance of having good relations with King Mswati III. Zambian President soon cosied up to the Monarch and subsequently ensured that Michello Shakantu’s Inyatsi could have businesses in Zambia and in return, the former head of state could have a decent retirement home and his pockets full enough to plot a political comeback in the future.
When Lungu subsequently lost the elections news started spreading that the Monarch had gifted him a mansion at Nkonyeni and that his relationship with the country had far deeper roots centred on personal enrichment for the former Zambian leader and reciprocal financial benefit from the country ́s biggest construction company with royal interests.It later emerged that Zambia ́s RDA awarded over E500 million (701 Million Zambian Kwancha) contract to Inyatsi Roads Zambia Limited, a subsidiary of Inyatsi Construction Holdings Ltd of eSwatini in July 2017. The contract was to rehabilitate the Ndola Mufulira Road in Zambia.
On July 28 President Edgar Lungu then visited eSwatini on a two-day working visit.
On August 26th 2017–6 weeks after the project was launched in Zambia– Zambia ́s Copperbelt Minister Bowman Lusambo inspected the site and found that serious works had not commenced. He threatened Inyatsi management with the termination of their contract. He also threatened to report Inyatsi to President Lungu and that he would recommend the termination of the contract.
On 3 September 2017 President Lungu, state house officials and close friends of the president, including press aide Amos Chanda, political advisor Kaizar Zulu and presidential affairs minister Freedom Sikazwe travelled to eSwatini where they also participated in the reed dance ceremony.
The President was in the country for just 5 weeks earlier at the end of July. The President undertook two trips to the country in a space of 5 weeks.
It became clear this visit was to sort out the Inyatsi issues that were threatening Lungu’s political life back at home. In November 2017, Zambia’s Special Assistant to the President for Projects Monitoring Andrew Chellah announced that RDA had awarded a second contract to Inyatsi Roads Zambia Limited to fix the Kafue-Chikankata-Mazabuka Road.
Statehouse instructed the Ministry of Finance to release funds for works to commence according to Chellah. By this time, it was clear that Inyatsi now had a firm footprint in Zambia.
In November 2017, a tender was advertised by Inyatsi Properties and selected architectural firms in eSwatini to submit draft designs for a mansion to be built allegedly for President Edgar Lungu at Nkonyeni Golf Estate in eSwatini. Inyatsi Construction Holdings Ltd is interested in Nkonyeni Golf Estate through a subsidiary called Inyatsi Properties.
This is the same parent company that owns Inyatsi Roads Zambia Ltd. In February 2018, Bowman Lusambo, who five months earlier had a bitter exchange with Inyatsi Roads Zambia Ltd directors and threatened to have their contracts terminated, was transferred from the Copperbelt province to Lusaka province and no reasons were given for his transfer according to Zambian press.
Later on 12th May 2018 a whistle-blower from one of the bidders, a company known as Architects International leaked some of the proposed architectural diagrams of the president’s mansion and went viral on social media.
Then on May 14th 2018 Zambia ́s Information Minister Dora Siliya came out to address the issue and confirmed that indeed President Lungu and Press Aide Amos Chanda own land and are building houses at Nkonyeni Golf Estate.
Siliya claimed that this was a gift given to them on a state visit to eSwatini by the authorities. Notably, at this time the public was unaware of the links between Inyatsi and the Nkonyeni Golf Estate.
On May 16th 2018, The Times of Swaziland newspaper picked up the story and revealed a lot of hidden information that directly ties President Lungu to Inyatsi Ltd, the RDA and two road contracts awarded to Inyatsi in the last 10 months.
The newspaper search of public records done at the Swaziland Deeds Registry Public Information Centre reveals that Nkonyeni Golf Estate where President Lungu was building his mansion is owned on title by Inyatsi Construction Holdings Ltd, the parent company of Inyatsi Roads Zambia Ltd which was awarded two huge contracts by the RDA within the last 10 months.
President Lungu attended the ground-breaking ceremony for the first contract in July 2017 and the second contract was announced by his special assistant for projects Andrew Chellah in November 2017. The newspaper further reveals that the budget for the construction of this mansion was $3.9 Million.
It becomes apparent that these properties were not gifts from the Swazi government as claimed, rather they were given by Inyatsi Ltd allegedly in exchange for multi-million-dollar road contracts.
By the time Lungu lost an election, it was clear that the relationship he had forged with the country transcended normal diplomatic heads of state relations but had gotten personal and damn profitable too.
Some security analysis also alleges that the country is now a haven for money laundering by the ‘criminal underworld’ and other heads of state believing that all they need is to have a good relationship with the head of state because the Monarch can decree actions that cannot be challenged by law or government institutions.
In 2011, about E17.5 Million (US$2.5 million) belonging to visiting Equatorial Guinea Minister Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue was stolen at the Royal Villas in Zulwini. Sources within the five-star Royal Villas, where the money was stolen, alleged that the closed circuit television (CCTV) cameras showed a man of Asian origin jumping over the fence next to the Sultan Suite where the King’s guest was staying and entering the villa before exiting with a suitcase.
How so much money was allowed to come through the country in cash is subject for another day, and, as one would imagine, the Central Bank could obviously not investigate because it involved a guess to the Monarch. The fact that the King rules as an executive authority above the law is not missed by those with ulterior motives.
Politically, the importance of King Mswati has recently been demonstrated by how former Botswana President Ian Khama was forced to bow to the King soon as he had fallen out with current Botswana President Mokgweetsi Masisi.Three years ago, a Botswana court issued an arrest warrant for former President Ian Khama on 14 charges ranging from unlawful possession of firearms to money laundering.
Khama then fled to neighbouring South Africa about two years ago, after a bitter fallout with his hand-picked successor, President Masisi. Khama was formally charged in April but has yet to appear in court.
The warrant said Khama should be arrested on sight. Fearing jail, Khama came to the country to seek shelter from the very king he had been critical of, previously labelling him as an undemocratic ruler.
It was Botswana, under Khama, who had been very vocal in calling for decisive regional action against both Zimbabwe and eSwatini during the most tumultuous tears of Mugabe ́s rule. In fact, Khama broke ranks with SADC and openly criticised Mugabe and even hosted an opposition radio station that broadcast to Zimbabwe and took many exiles from that country.
Even though his criticism of eSwatini was less pronounced than Zimbabwe, Khana had little regard for the country until he needed the King of course. When President Masisi upped the pressure on his arrest, Khama skipped the country and sought refuge both in eSwatini and South Africa.
Today, he is a regular at traditional events and relies on the King for political, financial and diplomatic support.
Over 10 years ago, King Mswati also sheltered controversial King Mabhoko III of AmaNdebele aKwa Ndzudza when his reign was being disputed and his life in danger. Later, the disputed king of the Ndebele was recruited and trained by the Umbutfo Swaziland Defence Force (USDF) as a soldier, much against the law.Mabhoko III underwent training at the Mbuluzi Army barracks and his stay in the country was kept secret by senior army officials.
The 32-year-long fight for the throne of the amaNdebele kingship in Mpumalanga looked to be resolved when the Pretoria High Court ruled in favour of Makhosonke Mabena II as the King of amaNdebele, effectively dismantling the two centres of power that had grown in the country.
The court confirmed the findings of the Nhlapo Commission set up by Mbeki in 2004.
The Ndebele king later passed out along with ordinary Swazi soldiers at Bethany, without much fanfare as the public didn’t know a king was passing out. Today, King Mabhoko III is back in his country and eternally grateful to the King.
The latest entrants to the Monarch’s political shade are former South African Mpumalanga Premier and Deputy President David Mabuza as well as besieged Zulu Monarch, Misizulu.
Both need the King for different reasons. Misizulu ́s throne is unstable in KZN where he is being challenged by his siblings. The matter is currently in court and the royal family is divided to the core. Making matters worse are emerging reports that even his life is under threat. The solution? Seek political and financial support from his uncle King Mswati III.
Mabuza, on the other hand, allegedly wants to make a political comeback as a leader of the ruling ANC. Another rife speculation is that he wants to venture into business in the country. Mabuza used to have a personal relationship with the late Mario Masuku and always regarded him as a father of the Swazi progressives.
He provided him with financial support as well as medical support when he was ill. He also ensured that the provincial ANC in Mpumalanga supported the democratic struggle in the country. But that was before his own political life took a turn for the worse at the last ANC conference in Nasrec last year.
Mabuza had to resign as the Deputy President of the country after being replaced as ANC Deputy President. He did this perhaps realising he was now a lame-duck leader.
Mabuza decided not to contest for any leadership position of the ANC last year having gifted Ramaphosa the Presidency in 2019 by his last-minute ditching of Presidential hopeful Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma.
The ANC’s biggest province in KZN and many ground activists of the party never forgave Mabuza and his self-serving agenda that saw him become the Deputy President almost overnight.
Therefore, no one would have supported his candidacy for any position as many felt betrayed for letting down a Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma campaign that was guaranteed a win with Mpumalanga support. Coming to last year’s ANC conference, no one wanted anything associated with Mabuza, hence he climbed down the political ladder humiliated.
To mount a political comeback, he had realised the value of having King Mswati by his side. In recent times, he has attended most of King Mswati’s events and endeared himself to the Monarch by kowtowing to the political establishment.
Sources claim he has ambitions to contest the next elections of the ANC jointly with Fikile Mbalula, the current ANC Secretary General.
With King Mswati on his side, Mabuza fancies himself as having a chance to a miraculous rise to power again. Meanwhile, some of the country’s progressive leaders have sought to fight the Monarch by throwing insults at those who fraternise with the monarch without appreciating the regional dynamics and personal interests tied together.
Recently, leaders of the progressives have been fraternising with the opposition in Zimbabwe, believing that Chamisa’s CCC would win the recent Zimbabwean elections. This has further alienated them from the “liberation movement block” to which Zanu PF sees itself as a member.This has been true of the ruling party in South Africa where some of the progressives have embedded themselves in Julius Malema’s Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) with the hope that he will win the elections.
Within the ANC, the country ́s opposition parties have become more of a “swear word” as they are seen as tied up to opposition in the region. By opposition, the ruling regional liberation movements think of neo-colonial clerks in new disguises. In response, they closed ranks just as they did to Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) who challenged ZANU PF in 2000.
The ANC’s Secretary General Fikile Mbalula has openly indicated that they will strengthen liberation movement-to-liberation movement relations to consolidate against what he termed “counter-revolution” brought by “Western puppet oppositions”. Sadly, this is where the local opposition now sits, at least in the world of the ruling liberation movements. The relations between ZANU PF and the ANC show the new trends and what is likely to come going forward.
Others speculate that we are likely to see even the ANC starting to view King Mswati in a different light. This is more so as the alliance, mostly COSATU and South African Communist Party (SACP), the two vocal opponents of the monarchy, are increasingly getting despondent with the posture of some of the progressives in eSwatini, whom they supported during the most difficult years suddenly ditching the alliance for opposition parties, principally the EFF.
Meanwhile, threats of sanctions by the USA at a time when countries like Russia have increased their presence in the country have also strengthened King Mswati’s position globally as a victim of Western bullying. The King is increasingly seen as strategic in neutralising the influence of America in the region.
As the USA continues to be vocal on Swazi democracy and human rights, they find themselves on a collision course with the government yet at the same time are subject to attacks from the same opposition they have supported politically, strategically and financially. All this has conspired to favour King Mswati who has consolidated power and is in a far more important position than ever in his reign.Attempts by some activists who have dared to indicate the importance of Taiwan in any future political dispensation in eSwatini have been dismissed contemptuously. Taiwan is the pillar of the monarch’s rule and through them the USA.
Without their active buying of the change agenda, it seems as though nothing will move. The country is very important to Taiwan and the USA. Sources closer to the embassy told The Bridge that the USA believes the country needs reform but they are not convinced that within the progressives a leader with the necessary gravitas has emerged.
The USA also does not believe change will happen outside of the political system hence it does not believe in perennial boycotts.
“No one has convinced the USA, and by extension the entire western block, that a leader has emerged within the progressives that can be trusted with running a united, prosperous and economically viable country. They see King Mswati as an uniting figure that has challenges but far better than the divisions, disunity and internal strife that can come from the progressives. It is worse when the USA, despite being the most vocal on issues of human rights, is also the most criticised by the progressives. This has only helped to strengthen the position of the King as the better devil,” said the source close to the embassy.
Other than juvenile fratricidal strife and internal conflict, the progressives seem not to have learnt from ANC’s Oliver Tambo. It was Tambo who understood diplomacy and could manoeuvre support from Russia during the Cold War while understanding the strategic importance of the USA in shifting global opinion.
For this, he manoeuvred diplomatic and political spaces with military precision. By the 80’s he had managed to emerge the ANC as a serious party worthy of trusting with political power in South Africa.”For us, we need to appreciate that the world is far bigger and is seized with far more complicated issues than to listen to our inconsequential winnings. No one owes us anything, not ANC, not China, not Russia not even the USA. Once we get that into our heads then we will realise the mammoth task ahead of us. This task means we need to win the international war and stop thinking relationships with civil society in the region and beyond will help us. We need a country or countries to support us at a state level,” said Mhlonishwa Tsabedze, a SNAT activist and teacher.
“Even if that was the case,” reasons Stevenson, “the progressives must still ask themselves, how will they deal with the monied underworld forces linked to forces like Angels who are financially and politically invested in the continued rule of King Mswati III.”
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