By Ricky Peters
Africa-Press – Gambia. Furthermore, President Faye accepted an invitation to travel to Russia, indicating a deliberate move to diversify Senegal’s international partnerships and turn away from its traditional Western allies. While President Faye has been careful to emphasise that relations with France remain cordial and that Paris will continue to be a key partner, a broader realignment of Senegalese international relations appears likely. Prime Minister Sonko has also been vocal in his criticism of the French military presence and Western efforts to promote values deemed incompatible with Senegalese and African morals, including LGBT rights and monogamy. He has also called for a reform of ECOWAS, criticising its internal divisions that led to the formation of the Alliance of Sahel States. In this regional context, President Faye has expressed a desire to keep Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso within ECOWAS, while acknowledging the Alliance of Sahel States. Prime Minister Sonko has undertaken visits to the region to mediate and engage with these states.
The administration’s foreign policy is characterised by an assertive stance, particularly towards former colonial power France, and a reorientation towards new partners like China and Russia. This “redefinition” of foreign policy, while fulfilling campaign promises of greater sovereignty, has led to a “loss of momentum” and “setbacks of varying degrees” in its diplomatic force. This indicates that while ideological shifts are clear, translating them into effective, beneficial international relations requires careful navigation and may face practical limitations. The relationship with financial institutions is strained, and “incendiary remarks about potential economic partners” may have alienated them. The administration faces the challenge of translating its assertive foreign policy rhetoric into tangible economic and diplomatic benefits. If this reorientation leads to further strain with traditional partners without securing sufficient alternative support, it could exacerbate economic difficulties and impact the overall success of their reform agenda. The need to “rebuild solid economic foundations” remains a primary difficulty, potentially limiting the full expression of Senegal’s customary diplomatic force.
Table 1: Key policy reforms and objectives
Reform Area Key Objectives Specific InitiativesEconomic Transformation (Jubbanti Koom) Fiscal discipline, domestic resource mobilisation (90% internal funding), inclusive growth, debt reduction, end economic dependence. Merging/downsizing state institutions, scrapping tax exemptions (digital economy), increasing certain taxes (tobacco, visas), renegotiating contracts (oil/mining), reactivating National Public Debt Committee.Monetary Policy Monetary sovereignty, national currency. Stop CFA franc circulation (regional reform first, then national currency).Governance & Institutional Reduce presidential powers, judicial independence, accountability, transparency. Reintroduce vice presidency, transition Constitutional Council to Constitutional Court, strengthen OFNAC, asset declaration, whistleblower protection, abolish CESE/HCCT (initial attempt), “Ligeeyal sa reew” platform.Social Development Improve living conditions, social justice, peace in Casamance, universal health coverage, youth employment. Reduce price of essential goods, Diomaye Plan for Casamance (return of displaced, infrastructure), universal health coverage, increase health budget.
Foreign Policy Assert sovereignty, reduce foreign influence, rebalance international relations. French troop withdrawal, engagement with non-Western partners (China, Russia), Ecowas reform.
Export to sheets
III. The Fight against corruption: Commitments, measures, and effectiveness
A. The administration’s stated commitment to anti-corruption
The fight against corruption stands as a foundational pillar of the Faye-Sonko administration’s mandate, representing a central pledge that resonated deeply with the Senegalese populace. President Faye has unequivocally stated that “No country can develop when corruption and embezzlement of public funds are endemic” , underscoring the critical link between integrity and national progress. The government has articulated a firm determination to “break with past practices,” aiming to align public expectations with a new era of governance rooted in “truth and accountability”. This commitment is encapsulated in the administration’s guiding principle: “Jef, Jealu, Jefante” (Integrity, Exemplarity, and Justice).
B. Legislative and institutional reforms: Strengthening OFNAC, Asset Declaration, and Whistleblower Protection
In line with its stated commitments, the administration has moved swiftly to enact legislative and institutional reforms aimed at bolstering the anti-corruption framework. Four major laws were adopted during an extraordinary session of the National Assembly in August 2025, specifically designed to strengthen the fight against corruption and promote exemplary governance. These legislative changes include significant enhancements to the powers of the National Office for the Fight against Fraud and Corruption (OFNAC) and reforms to asset declaration requirements. OFNAC’s investigative authority has been expanded to encompass all offences outlined under the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC), including illicit enrichment, thereby broadening its scope to tackle complex financial crimes. The statute of limitations for investigations has been extended from three to seven years, providing OFNAC with longer periods to pursue cases. Furthermore, OFNAC has been granted new powers, including the ability to take individuals into police custody and to conduct penal mediation at the request of the accused. To ensure greater institutional knowledge and continuity, the term of office for OFNAC directors has been extended from three to five years, with the possibility of renewal. Reforms to asset declaration requirements are also significant. The obligation to declare assets has been extended to all public service agents without exception, as well as to all elective or appointive positions involving budget management, regardless of the amount. Modalities for the publicity and regular updating of these declarations are to be defined by law, aiming for greater transparency and accountability. A critical component of the new framework is the planned introduction of legislation to safeguard whistleblowers, aligning with principles of transparency in public finance management. A draft law on whistleblower protection is currently under development, with an OFNAC representative clarifying that this law will explicitly incorporate whistleblower protection.
Table 3: Anti-corruption measures and status
Measure Details Status Relevant Snippet IDsStrengthening OFNAC Powers Expanded investigative authority (UNCAC offences, illicit enrichment); increased statute of limitations (3 to 7 years); ability to take into police custody, conduct penal mediation; expanded director term (3 to 5 years). Laws passed by Parliament (Feb 2024), implementing decrees awaited. Asset Declaration Reform Extended scope of persons required to declare; publication of lists (compliant/default); obligation to update; checks for conformity/accuracy. Laws passed by Parliament (Feb 2024), implementing decrees awaited. Whistleblower Protection Law Legislation to safeguard whistleblowers, victims, and witnesses of corruption. Aim to pass law, draft being developed; OFNAC representative clarified it will be taken into account. High Court of Justice Operationalisation Court created to prosecute government officials for crimes in office, now operating. Operational in 2025; trials of ex-ministers initiated.
C. High-profile cases: trials of former ministers and perceptions of political bias
A significant aspect of the administration’s anti-corruption drive has been the initiation of high-profile cases against former officials. The parliament approved five motions to refer former ministers from the Macky Sall administration to the High Court of Justice on corruption charges. This court, whose legislation dates back to 2002 but only became operational in 2025, is specifically mandated to prosecute government officials for crimes committed in office. Notable indictments include Amadou Mansour Faye, former President Macky Sall’s brother-in-law, who faces charges related to excessive payments for Covid-19-era rice supplies, and other former ministers accused of misuse of public funds. However, these high-profile prosecutions have not been without controversy. Activists have criticised the High Court of Justice for its perceived political ties to the governing majority and for its non-appealable verdicts, raising concerns that these factors could undermine judicial independence. The government’s handling of these cases has, in turn, prompted claims of political bias, mirroring the very criticisms that Sonko and Faye themselves had previously levelled against the former administration. This situation highlights a significant challenge in anti-corruption efforts: while the government has enacted substantial legislative and institutional reforms and initiated high-profile trials, concerns about political bias persist. The effectiveness and public trust in the anti-corruption drive depend not just on the strength of the laws, but critically on the perceived impartiality of their enforcement, especially when targeting members of previous administrations. If the anti-corruption drive is widely perceived as a tool for political retribution rather than impartial justice, it risks undermining public confidence, alienating segments of civil society, and potentially destabilicing the political landscape.
D. Public perception and challenges to the anti-corruption drive
Public perception plays a crucial role in the legitimacy and effectiveness of any anti-corruption campaign. While Senegal had registered gains in perceptions of corruption between 2012 and 2013, there are indications that these improvements may be waning. A 2022 Afrobarometer survey revealed that 73% of Senegalese perceived a sense of rising corruption levels. Furthermore, Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perception Index scored Senegal 43 out of 100 points, ranking it 70th out of 180 countries, a score that has remained constant since 2021. Civil society organisations attribute this stagnation to “chronic institutional immobility in the fight against corruption”. Despite the new administration’s strong rhetoric and legislative actions against corruption, the public perception data from before their tenure indicates high and persistent concerns about corruption. While new laws are now in place, the challenge lies in demonstrating tangible and impartial results that can shift public perception, which has been stagnant. The “chronic institutional immobility” cited by civil society suggests that legislative changes alone may not be sufficient without robust, impartial implementation. The administration needs to actively communicate the impact of its reforms and ensure transparency in prosecutions to counter existing negative perceptions. Failure to do so could lead to continued public skepticism, despite genuine efforts, and potentially fuel further discontent. Another challenge highlighted is the lack of a clear legal definition for whistleblowers, which has historically led to wrongful imprisonment. The government’s commitment to passing a whistleblower protection law is therefore crucial. As part of its initial transparency efforts, the Faye administration has published reports from accounts courts, OFNAC, and the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) that had been withheld from the public under the former president, aiming to foster greater openness and accountability.
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