Africa-Press – Angola. Higino Carneiro was the first, Valdir Cónego even requested the dismissal of João Lourenço in court, but the one who most affected the ranks of his comrades was Paulo de Carvalho, who made a fiercely polite criticism of João Lourenço.
The “shockwaves from the three days of unrest are affecting political life and have affected the MPLA, which is unable to escape them,” admits Reginaldo Silva, who focuses on the eight disruptive pages that the deputy and president of the Angolan Academy of Letters published under the title “The subsidies of misfortune.”
“Popular demands will only materialize if citizens see their rights violated. No matter how much the opposition incites them, citizens will only demand their rights if they feel their rights are threatened,” wrote the academic, a member of the party’s Central Committee. This opinion is completely at odds with the MPLA president, who alluded to “acts carried out by irresponsible citizens manipulated by anti-patriotic national and foreign organizations through social media.”
The congressman further emphasizes the distancing note from João Lourenço’s arguments by clarifying: “The acts of vandalism that occurred last week arose as a result of a government measure and not as a result of the actions of any opposition political party.”
On the other hand, he condemns the police’s actions during the protests, calling them disproportionate and not focusing solely on these three days: “The police must stop assaulting and killing people unnecessarily, as happens during demonstrations. It’s one thing for the police to respond to an attack (and they should!), but quite another to use bullets in response to words spoken by unarmed protesters.”
Accusing the government of lacking planning, transparency, and effective communication when implementing an unpopular measure, Paulo de Carvalho attacked the “state’s wastefulness and extravagance,” arguing that the resources saved by ending fuel subsidies should be used to improve the lives of needy populations.
“I’m not saying that institutions shouldn’t have vehicles (…) but they should be more modest. I’m also not saying that ministers should stop traveling, but that they should work more and travel only when absolutely necessary,” he advises.
“When we all have ID cards, go to school, have jobs, and have access to primary health care, then we can start improving. But without reaching the levels of wastefulness and extravagance we’ve become accustomed to,” he insists. “And, while we’re at it, let’s put an end to birthday parties, full of exaggerated joy and spread to the point of ridicule on social media, when just 200 meters from our homes there are people living in poverty, yet watching this absolutely indigestible theater,” he protests.
“Governors must learn to get down to the basics, to understand how ordinary people think and act,” urges the university professor. “As long as they remain on tiptoe, they will continue to make mistake after mistake, misgoverning or governing only for themselves, based on their personal interests or those of a small group.”
The sociologist also doesn’t spare state media: “It must necessarily be nonpartisan. And it must refrain from engaging in counter-propaganda. (…) What was the point of bringing a certain community taxi drivers’ association to the TPA news program? How many taxi drivers does it represent, to the point of announcing a supposed ‘strike call-off’? What’s the point of doing this, if not to create problems and sow confusion? It was clear from the outset that the effect could only be negative, to confuse people—as in fact happened. How can police officers then come to the same TPA station and say that people should stay home during the three-day strike, when it was TPA itself that told people that the strike was being called off and, therefore, everyone should go to work the next day?”
Furthermore, Paulo de Carvalho warns: “If the MPLA continues to self-destruct, instead of updating and modernizing itself (as its true militants want), the result will only be its removal from power – either by the ballot box, or by force.”
Reginaldo Silva calls Paulo de Carvalho’s manifesto a “true act of political courage, rare within the MPLA,” which “went viral on social media and elsewhere” and “sparked debate within the party.” Luzia Moniz emphasizes that “internal opposition to Lourenço has become audible, something that hadn’t happened since the reign of José Eduardo dos Santos,” and that some are “dissatisfied with the direction the leader is taking the party.”
Paulo de Carvalho’s comments, advice, and criticisms caused some discomfort among the party leadership, a member of the Central Committee admitted to Observador. But not to the party spokesperson: “The MPLA is a democratic party that has pluralism of opinion among its pillars. We are more than four million members thinking for ourselves; it’s natural that there isn’t unanimity on all issues,” Hilário Esteves responded to Observador.
“It’s natural for dissenting voices to arise on this or that topic; however, people express their opinions within the party’s own bodies and organizations. We believe this to be absolutely normal in a democratic party,” he emphasized. But the response has a nuance. Paulo de Carvalho made his analysis public, which calls into question the President’s decisions and statements on this matter.
A “country in social collapse” and a “president with little empathy”
Before the deputy, the party’s historic general, one of José Eduardo dos Santos’s strongmen, a diplomat, and pre-candidate for the MPLA leadership (an unprecedented feat in itself; “no one has ever publicly presented a candidacy for the position,” confirms Luzia Moniz), also took to the streets. “We need to listen to the streets,” said the former governor of Luanda in a message made public. On the very first day of the strike, he invoked the right enshrined in Article 47 of the Constitution of the Republic of Angola, which guarantees citizens’ participation in public and political life.
Valdir Cónego says that the Angolan people “no longer want President João Lourenço” and that party members “are calling for his departure from the party leadership for tarnishing the good name and reputation of the MPLA over the past 50 years, being the worst President in the history of Angola” and in the history of the party.
Until Saturday, the MPLA spokesperson claimed to be unaware of this request for a precautionary measure: “We are unaware of this matter. We have never been notified by the Constitutional Court on this matter. If this is true, it’s something new for me.”
“Youth have played a dynamic and conscious role, asserting themselves as a fundamental segment of Angolan society. Their participation is legitimate and must be respected and heard,” emphasized Higino Carneiro. “These times demand active listening, responsibility, and concerted action, with the goal of promoting sustainable progress and equitable development for all citizens,” he concluded.
Now, one of the most frequently repeated criticisms of João Lourenço is precisely his inability to listen. “The President is oblivious to the outcry of the people,” Reginaldo Silva disapproves.
Another MPLA presidential candidate and member of the Central Committee wasn’t just talking. Valdir Cónego filed a precautionary measure with the Constitutional Court to suspend João Lourenço from the party leadership until the electoral congress.
“The country has entered a state of social collapse, where hunger, misery, and extreme poverty plague more than 25 million Angolan citizens,” he claimed in the document, which Observador had access to. The activist believes that ” the cause of the vandalism is hunger, and the effects were more severe, resulting in the deaths of more than 30 Angolan citizens, the fault of those who lead our nation, Angola—in this case, President João Lourenço.”
“There was not a single phone call, not a single note of solidarity when my vice-president was arrested, not a single visit to the prison, from any politician, any party, any deputy, any member of civil society” Francisco Paciente, president of the National Association of Angolan Taxi Drivers
“There was not a single phone call, not a single note of solidarity when my vice-president was arrested, not a single visit to the prison, from any politician, any party, any deputy, any member of civil society” Francisco Paciente, president of the National Association of Angolan Taxi Drivers
Valdir Cónego says that the Angolan people “no longer want President João Lourenço” and that party members “call for his departure from the party leadership for tarnishing the good name and reputation of the MPLA in these 50 years, being the worst President in the history of Angola” and in the history of the party.
Until Saturday, the MPLA spokesperson claimed to be unaware of this request for a precautionary measure: “We are unaware of this matter. We have never been notified by the Constitutional Court on this matter. If this is true, it’s something new for me.”
While this activist calls for João Lourenço’s removal from the leadership of the MPLA, the Mudei civic movement has launched a public petition calling for his removal as President of Angola, due to “repression, authoritarianism, systematic human rights violations and summary executions.”
“This time, the MPLA is feeling the impact of these protests more intensely, and this could have further repercussions. Let’s see if João Lourenço listened to what so many voices said and becomes the President of all Angolans, not just the MPLA president, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, and head of government,” Reginaldo Silva urges. “This conspiracy theory about the protests is very lacking in empathy; it makes no sense; what happened was spontaneous. Opportunity made the thief, and the thief appeared among a population surviving on the brink of social desperation,” he concludes.
“We are alone, left to our own devices”
The person complaining about “interference and political exploitation” of the taxi drivers’ strike is Fernando Paciente, whose interpretation of the situation echoes that of João Lourenço. “There are digital militia groups that aren’t even in Angola that are inciting a new wave of strikes, without even expressing solidarity with us and posing a threat to the visible faces of the taxi drivers’ leadership,” he accused.
Before being arrested, the president of ANATA expressed his disappointment with political parties and social activists in a conversation with Observador: “They go on social media, sharing relevant information about strikes without speaking to us, without contacting us directly.”
Refusing to identify who he was referring to, he merely, in a measured voice, requested the support he says he never received: “There was not a single phone call, not a single note of solidarity when my vice president was arrested, not a single visit to the prison from any politician, any party, any member of parliament, any member of civil society.” With one exception, the Portuguese Bar Association, which has stepped up its efforts to help the 1,500 detainees.
“We are alone, left to our own devices, when we expected to have the support of the opposition parties and civil society,” complains Francisco Paciência. This time, he can’t cancel the meeting and his deputy can reconvene. The two remain in custody, accused of terrorism, incitement to violence, and criminal association. New strikes are unlikely to come from the taxi drivers’ side any time soon.
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